Prime Minister Nehru, the current Dalai Lama, President Rajendra Prasad and the 10th Panchen Lama in 1956 at New Delhi at the 2500th anniversary of the birth of the Buddha
Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 9th Aug 11
An article in The New York Times last Saturday
speculated that Beijing would try to legitimise its hand-selected (and therefore
illegitimate) Panchen Lama, Gyaltsen Norbu, by sending him to study in the
Labrang Monastery in Xiahe at the somewhat advanced age of 21. Xiahe is in
China’s Gansu province, but in the Amdo region of traditional Tibet, which the
communists carved up between five Chinese provinces bordering the Tibetan
Autonomous Region (TAR). Gyaltsen Norbu badly needs the credibility of Labrang
Monastery; he was declared the 11th Panchen Lama by Chinese authorities, six
months after they arrested the 11-year-old Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, who had been
declared the 11th Panchen Lama by the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala, following
traditional Tibetan practice. Most Tibetans believe Gedhun Choekyi Nyima (often
called “the youngest political prisoner in the world”) is the legitimate 11th
Panchen Lama, while Gyaltsen Norbu is disparaged as “the Chinese Panchen
Lama”.
This typically clumsy Chinese manoeuvre is a
mere sideshow to the big story in Tibet, which is a six-month long security
lockdown that has gone largely unreported in the world press. The lockdown,
which has involved mass repression of Tibetans and hundreds of preventive
arrests, was triggered by Beijing’s determination to celebrate the 60th
anniversary of the “peaceful liberation of Tibet”, which took the form of the
17-Point Agreement (full form: Agreement of the Central People's Government and
the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of
Tibet).
The 17-Point Agreement, through which Lhasa
bowed to Beijing’s sovereignty on 23rd May 1951, was India’s capitulation more
than Tibet’s. After the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) marched into Tibet in
October 1950 and destroyed the Tibetan army, India’s army chief, General (later
Field Marshall) KM Cariappa declared that India could spare no more than a
battalion (800 men) to block the Chinese invasion alongside the Tibetans. Then
New Delhi refused to back Lhasa’s request for the United Nations to adopt a
resolution against the Communist invasion. With global attention focused on the
Korean War, and with India hoping to mediate between China and the US-led
coalition, India feared that sponsoring Tibet’s reference to the UN would damage
its leverage with China. And with Washington and London allowing New Delhi to
take the lead on this issue (India, after all, was most affected by events in
Tibet) China was allowed to subjugate Tibet unopposed.
New Delhi’s submissiveness obtained even less
for India than it did for Tibet. The first words of the first clause of the
17-Point Agreement (“The Tibetan people shall unite and drive out imperialist
aggressive forces from Tibet”) directly targeted India. New Delhi was the
“imperialist” force that maintained --- continuing British practice since 1903
--- a military garrison in Gyantse, Tibet, across the Himalayas from Sikkim.
Three years later India formalised its capitulation to Beijing. The Panchsheela
Agreement of 1954, which recognised Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, bound India
to withdraw its entire presence from Tibet.
Some of the ground ceded in that diplomatic
blunder has been gradually clawed back by India. This began in 1959, when India
granted refuge to the Dalai Lama and permitted the setting up of a Tibetan
government-in-exile. Tens of thousands of Tibetan refugees that have trickled in
over the years and continue to do so even today have set up a support base for
an alternative government to the Beijing dominated one in Lhasa. Hundreds of
Tibetan monks have been allowed to set up an ecclesiastical eco-system, central
to Tibetan politico-religious belief, which parallels the Tibetan system that
they left behind. In and around Bangalore and Mysore are the mirror images of
the mighty monasteries --- Sera, Ganden and Drebung --- that were smashed during
China’s “democratic reforms” and the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Not
least, India retains a core of Tibetan fighting capability in the secretive
Establishment 22, manned by Tibetan volunteers who would be more than happy to
be unleashed against the Chinese in their homeland.
These steps, though, are just enough to annoy
China without doing what would be necessary to seriously worry Beijing. India’s
reluctance to flash its teeth, and to instead keep reassuring Beijing that the
Tibetan exiles are on tight leash, does little to keep alive the sense of hope
that Tibetans here need for continuing their fight. New Delhi’s willingness to
carry out preventive arrests of Tibetans on the eve of Chinese visits creates
apprehension that India can be pressured in the same way as Nepal, which China
pressures into brutal police repression of Tibetan exiles.
Nor has Tibet’s global icon, the Dalai Lama,
struck any strategic notes in his quest for international support. Brushed off
by New Delhi like a distant relative who has stayed too long, and avoided by
foreign leaders as a political minefield, His Holiness has been reduced to
engagement with second-rung celebrities like Richard Gere and support from dodgy
divas like Paris Hilton and Sharon Stone. His marginalisation has been carefully
orchestrated by Beijing, which reacts ferociously whenever any head of
government proposes meeting the Dalai Lama. And when anyone risks Beijing’s ire,
as President Obama did in meeting the Dalai Lama last month, the conversation
always begins with a careful public repudiation of Tibetan independence. Sadly,
India, despite all the levers it holds in Tibet, follows that same cautious
path.
The hopelessness that has seeped through the
Tibetan exile community in India manifests itself in a growing rejection of the
Dalai Lama’s “Middle Path”, which involves a non-violent engagement with Beijing
about Tibetan autonomy rather than independence. India’s many angry Tibetan
youngsters are held back for now by their enormous respect for the 14th Dalai
Lama, but his passing on will create a problem for China that will be far more
potent than the legitimacy of the 11th Panchen Lama. If New Delhi looks ahead
and calibrates its response inventively, it may go some way towards recreating
the leverage in Tibet that it lost in the 1950s.
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