Prime Minister’s New Year Message to Nation
The Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, has greeted the nation on the eve of the New Year. Following is the text of the Prime Minister’s message to the Nation on the occasion:
“My Fellow Citizens,
I wish you all a peaceful, productive and secure New Year.
New Year’s Day is a day of resolutions. Each of us makes our own resolutions – to live a healthier life, to live a more honest life, to live a better life and to live a happier life. I sincerely hope in the New Year we can all work together with a new resolve: to make our homes and neighbourhood, our village or town, and our nation a better place to live in.
If each of us works towards that end, we can be sure that we are also making the world a better and a safer place.
The year that has just ended was a very difficult year for the world. Economic crises, socio economic tensions, political upheavals in many developing countries and political deadlock in some of the developed countries, all cast their shadow on 2011. A ‘revolution of rising expectations’, fostered by the extraordinary reach of the electronic media and the connectivity provided by new social networking platforms, has kept Governments around the world on their toes.
We in India have had our share of problems.
The Indian economy slowed down and inflation edged up. Concern about corruption moved to the centre stage.
We must not be too downcast at these events. All countries and economies go through cycles. We must remember that downturns are followed by upturns. Indeed, they are often a test of our ability to respond to new challenges.
The task before us is clear. We must address the new concerns that have arisen while remaining steadfast in our commitment to put the nation on a development path which ensures rapid, inclusive and sustainable growth. I want to assure you all on this New Year’s day that I personally will work to provide an honest and more efficient government, a more productive, competitive and robust economy and a more equitable and just social and political order.
I believe we have made more progress than is commonly realised. I am personally delighted that Government was able to introduce the Food Security Bill and the Lok Pal and Lok Ayukta Bill in Parliament. The Lok Pal and Lok Ayukta Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha. It is unfortunate that the Bill could not be passed in the Rajya Sabha. However, our Government is committed to the enactment of an effective Lok Pal Act. Taken together with the Right to Information Act, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the Right to Education Act, these are legislative legacies that generations of Indians will come to value, appreciate and benefit from.
Friends,
On this New Year’s Day I do not wish to dwell on the year gone by. Instead, I would like to focus instead on the challenges of the future, so that we can all work together to over come them.
Our biggest challenge today remains that of banishing poverty, ignorance and disease. Simultaneously, we must work to build an India that holds the promise of prosperity to the many millions of our people who are just beginning to emerge out of poverty. We must remain focused on this fundamental task in the Twelfth Plan period which begins in 2012-13.
As I look ahead I see Five Key Challenges facing the nation. To meet these challenges we need the concerted efforts of the central government, the state governments, political parties and indeed all concerned citizens.
First, there is the urgent challenge of eradicating poverty, hunger and illiteracy and providing gainful employment to all. I call this the challenge of Livelihood Security.
There are many steps we need to take to address this challenge and of these, the most important is to empower every citizen with the light of education. I say this with the deepest conviction because I know what education did for me.
I was born into a family of modest means, in a village without a doctor or a teacher, no hospital, no school, no electricity. I had to walk miles every day to go to school, but I persevered and was fortunate to be able to secure a high school education, and then go on to higher education. It is this access to education that transformed my life and gave me new opportunities which others with my background could not dream of.
I firmly believe that educating our children, providing them with employable skills, while also ensuring their good health, must be our first and primary task. There is no better investment we can make in the future – the future of our children, of our families, of our communities, and of our nation.
Along with education and affordable health care, we must also generate a growth process that can provide gainful employment to all. This is the only way that we can wipe out poverty in a sustainable fashion.
However, since many elements of this strategy will take time to bear full fruit, we must in the meantime pay urgent attention to the needs of those who need immediate support. It is for this reason that the government has taken steps to provide minimum employment and access to food to those who need it most.
I believe that the initiatives we have taken to invest in education and health, provide an employment guarantee and also provide food security, constitute a robust response to the challenge of providing greater Livelihood Security for our people.
My Fellow Citizens,
The second challenge that demands our attention is Economic Security. Economic security comes from having an economy that can produce the material output required to achieve desired consumption levels for the people and one that can generate the productive jobs needed to satisfy the aspirations of the workforce. To reach this level we will have to ensure rapid growth accompanied by adequate job creation. Rapid growth is also necessary to generate the revenues we need to finance our livelihood security programmes.
The process of economic reforms was initiated in the mid eighties and accelerated the 1990s precisely to accelerate our growth potential. Because of our democratic system, the reforms were introduced gradually to begin with, in order to garner broad based support. That we succeeded in this objective is evident from the fact that successive governments of different political complexions at the centre, and many governments belonging to different political parties in the states, have more or less pushed in the same direction. However, this gradualist pace also meant that the full effects of the reforms took time to have effect.
Yet, the fruits of this effort have been amply evident in the past several years. The average growth rate of the economy was around 4 % per year before the 1980s. It increased to an average of about 8 % since 2004.
Although we have every reason to be satisfied with this performance, it would be wrong to conclude that India is now unshakeably set on a process of rapid growth. Our growth potential is indeed established. But there are many challenges we have to face if we want to maintain this growth in the years ahead, as indeed we must.
To achieve sustained rapid growth we need to do more than halt the current slowdown though that is certainly the first step. We need to usher in a second agricultural revolution to ensure sufficient growth in rural incomes. We also need to usher in the many reforms needed to trigger rapid industrialisation and to build the infrastructure which such industrialisation needs.
Rapid growth will also bring structural change, notably in the rate of urbanisation. Our urban population is expected to grow from 380 million at present to 600 million by 2030. We must be able to provide productive jobs in the non agricultural sector for this expanding urban population and we must also be able to expand our urban infrastructure to deal with the expected expansion of the urban population.
In 1991 when we liberated our economy from the shackles of the Licence-Permit Raj, our main objective was to liberate the creativity of every one of our citizens from the deadweight of bureaucracy and corruption. Today’s youth, born in the 1980s and later, would have no memory of the kind of corruption that the regime of controls and permits had created. To get a railway ticket or a telephone connection you had to bribe someone. To buy a scooter you had to bribe someone to jump the queue!
However, even as the creative energies of our people have been unleashed and old forms of corruption have vanished, new forms of corruption have emerged which need to be tackled. Elimination of corruption is critical to support genuine entrepreneurship. It is also the demand of the ordinary citizen who encounters corruption all too often in everyday transactions with those in authority.
This is a serious problem that calls for a multi-dimensional response.
New institutions such as the Lokpal and the Lokayuktas are an important part of the solution and we have initiated the process for establishing them. But this is only one part of the solution. We also need reforms in systems of government which would increase transparency and minimise discretion so that the scope of misgovernance is reduced. We have taken several steps in this regard. We have introduced in Parliament a Bill on Citizen’s Charters which will empower citizens to demand services at appropriate standards from government departments. We have introduced a Bill on Judicial Accountability.
These initiatives will take time to have their full effect and we must therefore be patient. But I do believe they are transformational initiatives, which will be recognised as such a few years down the line.
A critical element in ensuring economic security and prosperity is the need for fiscal stability. India has paid a heavy price in the past for fiscal profligacy. Many of us can recall the dark days of 1990-91 when we had to go around the world begging for aid. Fortunately we were able to overcome the problem fairly quickly and for most of the past two decades we have been able to hold our head high, because we have managed our fiscal resources well. We must ensure that the country does not go down that road once again.
I am concerned about fiscal stability in future because our fiscal deficit has worsened in the past three years. This is mainly because we took a conscious decision to allow a larger fiscal deficit in 2009-10 in order to counter the global slowdown. That was the right policy at the time. But like other countries that resorted to this strategy, we have run out of fiscal space and must once again begin the process of fiscal consolidation. This is important to ensure that our growth process is not jeopardised and, equally important, our national sovereignty and self respect are not endangered.
The most important step for restoring fiscal stability in the medium term is the Goods and Services Tax. This would modernise our indirect tax system, increase economic efficiency and also increase total revenues. Another important step is the phased reduction in subsidies. Some subsidies, such as food subsidies are justifiable on social grounds and are expected to expand once the Food Security bill becomes operational. But there are other subsidies that are not and these must be contained.
Some of the reforms needed for economic security attract controversy and cause nervousness. This is understandable, but we should learn from our past experience with reforms. Things that we take for granted today caused similar controversy twenty years ago. We should remember that change is necessary for development and while we must anticipate change, and even protect the most vulnerable from ill effects, we should not lock ourselves into a blind refusal to contemplate change. If we have confidence in ourselves, we will be able to meet any challenge.
Friends,
The third challenge we face, is the challenge of Energy Security. Energy is an essential for development because higher levels of production inevitably involve larger energy use. Our percapita energy levels are so low that we need, and must plan for, a substantial growth in energy availability.
The energy security challenge is particularly great for India because we are trying to develop in an environment in which our domestic energy resources are limited and the world is transiting to a period when energy is likely to be scarce and energy prices are expected to be high.
As a first step, we must ensure effective utilisation of all available domestic energy resources. Unfortunately, our attempt to tap both old and new sources of energy is being threatened by a range of problems. Be it coal or hydro power, oil or nuclear power we find new challenges that have to be overcome to develop these resources to the fullest extent possible. We must re-examine all domestic constraints on such development to see how they can be overcome.
The domestic agenda for energy security is clear. We need new investment in established sources of energy such as coal, oil, gas, hydro electricity and nuclear power. We also need investment in new sources of energy, like solar and wind. Parallel with expanding domestic supplies, we need to promote energy efficiency to contain the growth of energy associated with rapid growth.
Both goals of expanding new investment and achieving energy efficiency require a more rational pricing policy, aligning India’s energy prices with global prices. This cannot be done immediately, but we need to outline a phased programme for such adjustment and then work to develop support for making the transition. I realise that this will not be easy, but unless we can achieve this transition we will not be able to promote energy efficiency as much as we should, and we will certainly not be able to attract enough investment to expand domestic energy supplies.
Energy security also has a global dimension. Even with the best domestic effort our dependence on imported energy is expected to increase. We need assured access to imported energy supplies and also access to new energy related technologies. This means we need sensible policies that can promote economic partnership with countries that have energy resources and technologies. We also need a pro active foreign policy, protecting our access to such resources and to foreign technology.
A fourth important challenge we face in the years ahead is the challenge of ecological security. Economic growth is essential for the well being of our people, but we cannot allow growth to be pursued in a manner which damages our environment. We owe it to future generations to ensure that the environment they inherit from us is at least as capable of providing economic security for them as the one we inherited from our parents
We cannot allow the waters of our rivers to be polluted by untreated effluent and sewage. Yet this is happening today because of weak regulation and lack of enforcement over industry and the cities. Similarly, we cannot allow air pollution to proceed unabated promoting respiratory diseases which impose a heavy burden on large numbers of our people especially the poor.
Ecological security also involves protection of our forests which play a critical role not only in absorbing carbon emissions but also in providing us with water security. Forests help reduce water run off and siltation and increase water retention in the ground, recharging our underground acquifers. Some forest land often has to be surrendered to allow the exploitation of natural resources including energy and mineral resources and hydro electric potential. This must be done in a manner which minimises the extent of surrender and also provides sufficient compensatory afforestation to ensure ecological security to the nation.
All these problems can be solved and have been solved in other countries. It requires stronger and more transparent regulation and it also involves extra costs. These costs must be borne by those who pollute and this principle must be well understood and strictly enforced.
Looking beyond the immediate ecological issues, there is the larger challenge of climate change. As responsible citizens of the world we must pursue a pattern of development which reduces greenhouse gas emissions per unit of our GDP by about 20-25% by 2020 as our contribution to global ecological security. This objective is closely linked to the pursuit of rational energy policies mentioned earlier.
Dear Citizens,
Finally, and most importantly, our vibrant democracy faces threats to internal and external security which together can be viewed as the challenge of National Security.
Despite grave provocations from extremists and terrorists, the people of India have remained united. They have not lost faith in our plural, secular and inclusive democracy. Across the world people look to India for inspiration. Our model of Inclusive Growth in an Open Society inspires those who seek freedom from tyranny.
A new wave of democracy demanding the empowerment of ordinary people is sweeping the world and India stands tall as a functioning democracy. We are a nation of over a billion people, plural, secular, democratic – with all the great religions of the world freely practiced here, with so many languages and cuisines, so many castes and communities – living together in an open society. This is an achievement for which every Indian can be proud.
The world acknowledges this achievement. I do believe that the world wants India to succeed because India offers hope.
Our democracy has its faults, but our people are aware of them and have shown their ability to correct these faults.
Often democracy can be frustrating – both to those who are in government and to those who expect it to be more efficient, effective and humane. But our democracy is our strength. It is the basis of our unity. It is also the most important guarantor of internal security.
Equally important for our national security is the modernisation of our defence forces. Indeed, India’s economic and energy security also require this. Our Army, our Navy and our Air Force require modernisation and upgradation of personnel and systems. Ensuring this will remain my most important task as Prime Minister.
Dear Fellow Citizens,
Today I have shared my thoughts with you to make you understand the nature of the challenges we face entering a New Year.
I have identified Five key challenges facing us. These will be on top of our policy agenda this year - Livelihood Security (education, food, health and employment), Economic Security, Energy Security, Ecological Security and National Security.
In addressing each of these five challenges we must work together as a nation, while working with like-minded nations around the world.
I assure you that I will work with all the energy at my command to ensure that we meet each of these challenges and overcome them.
Let us stand united as a people in overcoming these challenges.
I wish you the best in the year and the years ahead.
Jai Hind!”
***
RCJ/SC
(Release ID :79304)
Saturday, December 31, 2011
Societal morality to constitutional morality
source:Hindu
Equality and non-discrimination are the opposite sides of the same coin. Non-discrimination may also be regarded as the vehicle towards the achievement of equality.
Kalpana Kannabiran's book, Tools of Justice: Non Discrimination and the Indian Constitution (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group), a thesis of 500 pages, aims to make a contribution towards the achievement of a constitutionally acceptable order in India. It defines the change in the attitude and approach by all societal role players including, in particular, activists for social change, governmental organs as well as the judiciary. The approach it adopts includes the historical, sociological, social as well as juridical. I am not an expert on any of these disciplines nor do I know enough of the jurisprudence of India to comment on the correctness of specific facts or opinions set out in this monumental work. I have also not studied the numerous documents relied upon. My evaluation is therefore limited to examining some conceptual aspects from my perspective as a constitutional jurist in South Africa.
I must first touch upon approaches to constitutional interpretation. The writer advances an approach which may be said to be different from that adopted by the courts in India and emphasises the need to take into account the values and purpose of the Constitution. We would in South Africa too take into account the values and purpose of our Constitution. The debate about the correct interpretive approach has its basis on the distinction between arriving at the intention of the Constitution-makers, on the one hand, and the meaning of the document in its context, on the other. The latter pays little attention to the intention of Constitution-makers but, in conformity with the idea that a Constitution is a living, vibrant, flexible and dynamic instrument seeks to attain the meaning of the Constitution by extensive reference to context. I may say that I favour this approach without qualification.
It is in this sense that the methodology adopted by Ms Kannabiran is both useful and significantly powerful. She examines (in respect of disability rights; the rights of castes, tribes, religious minorities; and sex-based discrimination) the historical matrix, a conceptual delineation, the role of government, the role of activists as well as the position on the ground with ordinary people and thereafter makes proposals for change. It may well be that Ms Kannabiran has given expression to the breadth of the contextual circumstances that need to be taken into account by a court. It may not be possible for a court, in the light of the evidence available to it, to conduct as thorough an analysis as may be considered necessary. Time and resource constraints may also be a factor. But it cannot be doubted that the wider a court goes in taking into account contextual material to interpret a Constitution the greater the possibility that the final judgment of a court would reflect and represent a dynamic and living Constitution able to provide creative and transformative solutions to the problems that need to be addressed. And it must be emphasised that, unlike an ordinary commercial or delictual case, the court contest on constitutional rights often involves vulnerable communities and societies that comprise millions of people.
I did wonder whether Ms Kannabiran's reference to Dr. Ambedkar was an attempt to go back to the approach of interpretation which relies on the intention of the lawmaker or whether the views of Dr. Ambedkar are referred to in the context of an expert.
The general approach in the thesis is to emphasise the distinction between constitutional morality and societal morality. That, as I understand it, is a distinction between the nature of society, its value system, morality, well-being, inclusiveness and peacefulness, contemplated by the Constitution, on the one hand, and societal morality, on the other. The latter is postulated as a society based on horrendous and systematic discrimination and violence against, and the exclusion of, vulnerable people and communities from the “dominant” mainstream. Ms Kannabiran's work is concerned with the complex, difficult and obstacle ridden route from societal morality to the achievement of the constitutional morality.
We have the same problem in South Africa. Our Constitution proclaims a society that is equal and consonant with civil and political fundamental rights, environmental rights and socio-economic rights. We have a similar difficult route to follow. An evaluation which attempts to redesign the vehicle, build the road, chart the course and point to pitfalls is essential in a fundamental sense.
The building blocks employed in the determination and construction of the route are principally those of non-discrimination and liberty. If I understand the writer correctly, developing and putting into place a process that would systematically increase non-discrimination and liberty in a transformative sense would ultimately contribute best to the achievement of the constitutional order. There is no doubt that non-discrimination and liberty are important components of the process. But whether they are the most important or the only components is a different question. I would suggest, and the writer might agree, that all the values of the Constitution and all the rights contained in it are of fundamental and equal significance. A hierarchy of rights cannot be countenanced because rights are indivisible and inter-related. It must be said in all fairness, that Ms Kannabiran does indeed make extensive reference to many of the other rights of vulnerable people and communities. I get the sense that perhaps the concepts of non-discrimination and liberty are used to connote the circumstance that these concepts are applicable to all the rights in the Constitution and therefore all embracing.
The work postulates a distinction between non-discrimination and equality and a kind of synthesis between non-discrimination and liberty. There may be a different approach. Provided that we are speaking about substantive equality and not formal equality (I have no doubt that Ms Kannabiran is), equality and non-discrimination are, in my view, the opposite sides of the same coin. Non-discrimination may also be regarded as the vehicle towards the achievement of equality. An over-emphasis of the importance of freedom could, on the other hand, be counter-productive to the cause. This is because almost all dominant sectors rely on their right of freedom to continue with their oppressive, non-transformative, objectionable conduct. Yet, if freedom is qualified by equality in the sense of everyone being entitled to an equal freedom, the achievement of an equal society would then be modulated by appropriate management of the tension between freedom and equality.
I can only comment on one more issue. And that is Ms Kannabiran's plea, support and argument for intersecting grounds of discrimination as well as analogous grounds. Our Constitution provides for both and it is an important reason why I swear allegiance to it. It goes without saying that a poor Dalit deaf lesbian woman on a wheelchair is far more vulnerable and in greater need of constitutional protection than a female university teacher who has all her faculties and who is part of the “dominant” classes. If this is not recognised, constitutional jurisprudence could suffer. And there is no need to limit protection to the grounds expressly mentioned in the Constitution.
I would have hoped that the book would have been shorter to be more accessible so that role players who are important in the various sectors would have been able to benefit from it completely even if they were not academically inclined. Nevertheless, a careful study of this fascinating work would enhance an understanding of the position on the ground, the dire need for change and the way in which this is to be done.
(Z.M. Yacoob is Justice of the Constitutional Court of South Africa.)
Unleashing Kangchenjunga from Nepal Side
Pristine region offers new hope to revive trekking in 2012
ANURAG ACHARYA in TAPLEJUNG
PICS: ANURAG ACHARYA
Kangchenjunga, the third highest point in the world, is more a mountain range than a peak. Stretching east to west across nearly 25 kilometers from Sikkim to Nepal, Kangchenjunga looks as if a slice of the planet has risen to pierce the stratosphere.
The mountain dominates the northern horizon, most famously from Darjeeling, and the best access is from Sikkim. However, it is from the western side in Nepal that the approach to the mountain offers the most adventurous and dramatic treks.
The narrow, sparsely populated valleys on the upper reaches of the wild Tamur River have been the refuge of only the most driven holy men, naturalists and mountain climbers. The foot of Kangchenjunga is the least-visited among 16 protected areas in Nepal. Its location on the north-eastern corner of the country gives the region the highest annual rainfall, and hence the richest biodiversity. The pristine coniferous forests, high meadows and wetlands are the most biologically rich areas of the country inhabited by many amphibians, birds, plants and animals found nowhere else. Many of the mammals found here are endangered: the snow leopard, the red panda, or musk deer.
The Kangchenjunga Conservation Area has at least 69 varieties of orchids, 30 types of rhododendrons and 15 out of 28 endemic plants of Nepal. Besides rainfall, it is the dramatic altitude variation from deep subtropical gorges to glacial valleys that makes this nature reserve an attractive destination for trekkers. The Arun Valley cuts right through the Himalaya, and is an important corridor for bird migration from Siberia to India.
"This place is radically different from anything and everything you've seen in your life", says Canadian Glenn F. Miller who was camping in Ghunsa on his way to the base camp. The author of 'Dreaming Kathmandu' admitted that the place inspired him to write.
Sylvia Wilfried and her husband Studer from Austria were leading a group of 40 tourists from different European countries. The couple say they have been in Nepal 15 times since 1983 and keep coming back because mountains here are so varied. "Especially the Kangchenjunga valley," says Sylvia, "it is one of the most beautiful place on earth."
'One of the most beautiful places on earth' sounds like a cliché, but walking along a ridge with the hulk of Jannu towering over us, it is clear there is no other way to describe this trail.
Perhaps Kangchenjunga has remained remote and pristine because it is so inaccessible. The nearest airfield at Suketar is unreliable, and although the road has reached Taplejung it is an arduous 16 hours from Kathmandu via Bhadrapur before you even start the three week trek.
Paul Stevens of The Great Himalayan Trail Program says tourists who come to Nepal have until now been confined to few well-known destinations like Annapurna, Everest and Langtang.
Says Stevens: "If we can integrate all major trekking routes along the east-west Himalayan stretch and encourage tourists to explore new destinations, it will increase the span of their stay or bring them back to Nepal creating more jobs and bringing in money."
The GHT Development Program, promoted by the government in partnership with SNV Netherlands is working closely with stakeholders in the tourism industry, NGOs and host communities to develop best practices in tourism, contributing to local economy through sustainable tourism.
SOURCE:NEPAL TIMES
Pristine region offers new hope to revive trekking in 2012
ANURAG ACHARYA in TAPLEJUNG
PICS: ANURAG ACHARYA
Kangchenjunga, the third highest point in the world, is more a mountain range than a peak. Stretching east to west across nearly 25 kilometers from Sikkim to Nepal, Kangchenjunga looks as if a slice of the planet has risen to pierce the stratosphere.
The mountain dominates the northern horizon, most famously from Darjeeling, and the best access is from Sikkim. However, it is from the western side in Nepal that the approach to the mountain offers the most adventurous and dramatic treks.
The narrow, sparsely populated valleys on the upper reaches of the wild Tamur River have been the refuge of only the most driven holy men, naturalists and mountain climbers. The foot of Kangchenjunga is the least-visited among 16 protected areas in Nepal. Its location on the north-eastern corner of the country gives the region the highest annual rainfall, and hence the richest biodiversity. The pristine coniferous forests, high meadows and wetlands are the most biologically rich areas of the country inhabited by many amphibians, birds, plants and animals found nowhere else. Many of the mammals found here are endangered: the snow leopard, the red panda, or musk deer.
The Kangchenjunga Conservation Area has at least 69 varieties of orchids, 30 types of rhododendrons and 15 out of 28 endemic plants of Nepal. Besides rainfall, it is the dramatic altitude variation from deep subtropical gorges to glacial valleys that makes this nature reserve an attractive destination for trekkers. The Arun Valley cuts right through the Himalaya, and is an important corridor for bird migration from Siberia to India.
"This place is radically different from anything and everything you've seen in your life", says Canadian Glenn F. Miller who was camping in Ghunsa on his way to the base camp. The author of 'Dreaming Kathmandu' admitted that the place inspired him to write.
Sylvia Wilfried and her husband Studer from Austria were leading a group of 40 tourists from different European countries. The couple say they have been in Nepal 15 times since 1983 and keep coming back because mountains here are so varied. "Especially the Kangchenjunga valley," says Sylvia, "it is one of the most beautiful place on earth."
'One of the most beautiful places on earth' sounds like a cliché, but walking along a ridge with the hulk of Jannu towering over us, it is clear there is no other way to describe this trail.
Perhaps Kangchenjunga has remained remote and pristine because it is so inaccessible. The nearest airfield at Suketar is unreliable, and although the road has reached Taplejung it is an arduous 16 hours from Kathmandu via Bhadrapur before you even start the three week trek.
Paul Stevens of The Great Himalayan Trail Program says tourists who come to Nepal have until now been confined to few well-known destinations like Annapurna, Everest and Langtang.
Says Stevens: "If we can integrate all major trekking routes along the east-west Himalayan stretch and encourage tourists to explore new destinations, it will increase the span of their stay or bring them back to Nepal creating more jobs and bringing in money."
The GHT Development Program, promoted by the government in partnership with SNV Netherlands is working closely with stakeholders in the tourism industry, NGOs and host communities to develop best practices in tourism, contributing to local economy through sustainable tourism.
SOURCE:NEPAL TIMES
Friday, December 30, 2011
Sikkim farmer get appreciation for innovation with aromatic rice
GANGTOK (Commodity Online): India's Directorate of Rice Research has appreciated Kailash Rana Manger, a progressive farmer from Sikkim, for innovations in rice cultivation and he was called as the rice innovator of Sikkim during the ‘Innovative Rice Farmers Meet 2011’ held in August at Hyderabad.
Manger had been appreciated for his innovative replacement of ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ in place of local scented variety for a high yield, fragrance and fixed black coloured grants.
‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ is known as the “prince of rice” and is considered the best tiny aromatic rice in the world, a substitute for basmati rice.
With 20 years of experience in farming, Mangar gave his presentation on ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ during the meet at Hyderabad.
Acccording to Manger, a scented rice cultivar was first brought from a progressive farmer of Maal Bazaar, Jalpaiguri and is capable replacing of local rice variety Dudha and Tulsi.
He does farming in 3 acres land on lease basis of Rs. 20,000 per annum and had introduced this new variety of rice last year by obtaining 3 kgs of seed from a progressive farmer of Jalpaiguri and sowed the seeds using the System of Rice Intensification technique with guidance from Krishi Vigyan Kendra (KVK), Saramsa under Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR).
The production was 4 quintals of rice which surprised him as it was four times more as compared to the other local varieties.
Mangar sold the produce at Rs. 8000 per quintal. He used to sale local variety at Rs. 2200-2500 per quintal. This year, Mangar is expecting a harvest of 16 quintals of rice from 6 kgs of seed.
He explained that the ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ plant has 25-28 tillers per hill with panicles of 20-20 cm and 156 grains per panicle. Not only the rice, even the straw of this variety is highly demanded as it has good nutritious value and is used as fodder for cattle.
Mangar pointed out that many farmers have given up agriculture due to increasing labour costs. Farmers who have small holdings can go for this variety of rice which is much profitable.
This package of practices is standardized by the farmers and the cultivar is being adopted by farmers of different villages of the East District. The demand of Kalo Nuniya Rice is very high in other States as the farmers from Mumbai, Delhi, and Hyderabad already demanded him for seeds, he revealed.
Mangar’s hard work is not only limited to agriculture as he also does horticulture cultivating cabbage, cauliflower, Broccoli, Baby Corn and other vegetables. He has been able to sellproduce worth Rs. 11,000. He is earning Rs. 1.5 lakhs per annum through farming.
The farmer is also a beneficiary of Department of Biotechnology Project of the KVK.
GANGTOK (Commodity Online): India's Directorate of Rice Research has appreciated Kailash Rana Manger, a progressive farmer from Sikkim, for innovations in rice cultivation and he was called as the rice innovator of Sikkim during the ‘Innovative Rice Farmers Meet 2011’ held in August at Hyderabad.
Manger had been appreciated for his innovative replacement of ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ in place of local scented variety for a high yield, fragrance and fixed black coloured grants.
‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ is known as the “prince of rice” and is considered the best tiny aromatic rice in the world, a substitute for basmati rice.
With 20 years of experience in farming, Mangar gave his presentation on ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ during the meet at Hyderabad.
Acccording to Manger, a scented rice cultivar was first brought from a progressive farmer of Maal Bazaar, Jalpaiguri and is capable replacing of local rice variety Dudha and Tulsi.
He does farming in 3 acres land on lease basis of Rs. 20,000 per annum and had introduced this new variety of rice last year by obtaining 3 kgs of seed from a progressive farmer of Jalpaiguri and sowed the seeds using the System of Rice Intensification technique with guidance from Krishi Vigyan Kendra (KVK), Saramsa under Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR).
The production was 4 quintals of rice which surprised him as it was four times more as compared to the other local varieties.
Mangar sold the produce at Rs. 8000 per quintal. He used to sale local variety at Rs. 2200-2500 per quintal. This year, Mangar is expecting a harvest of 16 quintals of rice from 6 kgs of seed.
He explained that the ‘Kalo Nuniya Dhaan’ plant has 25-28 tillers per hill with panicles of 20-20 cm and 156 grains per panicle. Not only the rice, even the straw of this variety is highly demanded as it has good nutritious value and is used as fodder for cattle.
Mangar pointed out that many farmers have given up agriculture due to increasing labour costs. Farmers who have small holdings can go for this variety of rice which is much profitable.
This package of practices is standardized by the farmers and the cultivar is being adopted by farmers of different villages of the East District. The demand of Kalo Nuniya Rice is very high in other States as the farmers from Mumbai, Delhi, and Hyderabad already demanded him for seeds, he revealed.
Mangar’s hard work is not only limited to agriculture as he also does horticulture cultivating cabbage, cauliflower, Broccoli, Baby Corn and other vegetables. He has been able to sellproduce worth Rs. 11,000. He is earning Rs. 1.5 lakhs per annum through farming.
The farmer is also a beneficiary of Department of Biotechnology Project of the KVK.
Wednesday, December 28, 2011
SIKKIM earthquake:Experts list safety loopholes
SIKKIM earthquake:Experts list safety loopholes | |||
| source:Telegraph | |||
Jalpaiguri, Dec. 26: An IIT Madras team of experts has said a series of lapses in different quarters multiplied the extent of damage to buildings, roads and monasteries in Sikkim during the September earthquake. The experts laid stress on immediate rectification of such faults in case there are fresh tremors in future. C.V.R. Murthy, a faculty at IIT Madras and a member of the seismic code committee of the country, said several shortcomings had aggravated the damage to roads, buildings, monasteries and the communication system in the state. “On the basis of our observations, we have come up with a report which had been sent to the government of Sikkim and to the Centre. It is important that a systematic earthquake-safety assessment is done and corrective steps are taken to mitigate the loss in case an earthquake occurs in the region in future,” said Murthy. He was here yesterday to attend a seminar on earthquakes at the Jalpaiguri Government Engineering College.
The Sikkim government had appealed to various quarters, including IIT Madras, for expert opinion on the quake-triggered damage suffered by the state and means to mitigate the loss. The report said studies and research on mountains, slopes, soil and other geological factors had not been conducted in recent years by any government agency, and traditional housings were abandoned and replaced with concrete structures and high-rises in defiance of building norms. “There was no quality control and the techno-legal regime is absent in the state. Further, the post-earthquake damage assessment was not understood by local engineers and most importantly, the state lacks adequate number of engineers and architects with requisite knowledge on earthquake resistant technology,” the report said. The 26-page report by experts, including two engineers from Hyderabad and Mumbai, also observed that there were no government engineering or architectural colleges in Sikkim to advise the government. “There are only two structural engineers and about 35 architects in Sikkim, whose knowledge on earthquake-resistance technology is not known.” The experts also pointed out lapses on the part of the government and civic authorities. “In Sikkim, there are no set standard municipal by-laws for construction of buildings and no standard procedures to see that the buildings are maintained. The sewerage-cum-drainage system in towns and cities, with ruptures in the channels and pipes, affects the underground soil,” the report said. The experts, who have also found that several roads were cut off during the landslide, said no soil data assessment was done before building the roads. Further, they have found out that while constructing roads, safety standards were not considered. “The construction techniques are not efficient, scientific or of good quality. No professional opinion was taken from structural geologists while working on a mountain to build a road,” the report said. The experts have also made a host of recommendations. They include evaluation of “landslide potentials” across the state before constructing roads, implementing safety standards in design while constructing buildings, safety assessment of existing buildings and developing a manual of good building practices while encouraging traditional construction. “To protect and conserve the monasteries, it is advised that the state government has a partnership with the Archaeological Survey of India,” the report said. “Also, formation of post-earthquake assessments teams are necessary to provide judgement on the status of a structure. Many structures were declared unsafe and demolished after the earthquake without consulting professionals.” “The safety check of all ongoing projects, including the 30-odd hydro power projects, should be made mandatory,” the report said. |
MTS opens second retail outlet in Gangtok
1
MTS, a telecom service provider operated by Sistema Shyam TeleServices with over 15 million wireless customers, has opened its second retail outlet in Gangtok at M.G. Marg.
Speaking on the occasion, Keshhav Tiwary, Chief Operating Officer, Kolkata and West Bengal circle, MTS India, said: “We at MTS are extremely happy to launch our second retail outlet in Gangtok. This launch is in line with our strategy to offer greater convenience to all our customers. We see Sikkim as a key market and going forward our plan is to further strengthen our retail network across the region.”
The new store will offer voice and data solutions and live demonstrations of products and services.
MTS’ telecom network is present across five towns of Sikkim including Jorethang, Singtham, Rangpo, Gangtok, and Namchi. The company under the MBlaze brand is also a mobile broadband operator in Sikkim with services made available in Namchi and Gangtok. MTS also provides mobile broadband services to more than 1.2 million customers in over 200 cities across the country under the MBlaze brand.
Sistema Shyam TeleServices is a venture involving equity participation by Sistema of Russia, the Russian Federation, and the Shyam Group of India. Sistema is the majority shareholder in the joint venture company which operates its telecom services under the MTS brand.
1
MTS, a telecom service provider operated by Sistema Shyam TeleServices with over 15 million wireless customers, has opened its second retail outlet in Gangtok at M.G. Marg.
Speaking on the occasion, Keshhav Tiwary, Chief Operating Officer, Kolkata and West Bengal circle, MTS India, said: “We at MTS are extremely happy to launch our second retail outlet in Gangtok. This launch is in line with our strategy to offer greater convenience to all our customers. We see Sikkim as a key market and going forward our plan is to further strengthen our retail network across the region.”
The new store will offer voice and data solutions and live demonstrations of products and services.
MTS’ telecom network is present across five towns of Sikkim including Jorethang, Singtham, Rangpo, Gangtok, and Namchi. The company under the MBlaze brand is also a mobile broadband operator in Sikkim with services made available in Namchi and Gangtok. MTS also provides mobile broadband services to more than 1.2 million customers in over 200 cities across the country under the MBlaze brand.
Sistema Shyam TeleServices is a venture involving equity participation by Sistema of Russia, the Russian Federation, and the Shyam Group of India. Sistema is the majority shareholder in the joint venture company which operates its telecom services under the MTS brand.
PM's Statement in Lok Sabha during Debate on Lokpal Bill
Following is the text of the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh’s statement in Lok Sabha made while intervening during the debate on the Lokpal Bill today:
“There are some very special moments in the life of a nation. This is one such moment. The nation awaits with bated breath how the collective wisdom of this House will be reflected in the vote at the end of the debate on the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, 2011.
The broad provisions of this Bill have been vigourously debated both in the public domain and by political parties. It is my honest belief that the Bill that is now before the House lives up to the promise that members of this House collectively made to the people of this country by way of the sense of the House at the end of the debate on 27th August, 2011. The task of legislation is very serious business and must eventually be performed by all of us who have been constitutionally assigned this duty. Others can persuade and have their voices heard. But the decision must rest with us. At the same time we must keep in mind the fact that corruption and its consequences eat into the body politic. We have seen how public anger has manifested itself in the last one year. Let us, therefore, endorse this Bill as proposed. In drafting this legislation we have had a wide range of consultations. We have been enriched by the wisdom of political parties and all shades of opinion have been taken into account.
I wish to state that when my Government was elected, we wanted our policies to be people-centric. We believe in transparent, open governance and the well-being of the aam aadmi is central to all our policy prescriptions. Our ideological commitment to ‘open governance’ led us to bring the Right to Information Act in 2005. To further our people-centric policies, we enacted the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005. The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, is evidence of our desire to empower the disadvantaged and marginalized. The National Rural Health Mission addresses the health concerns of the poor in the rural areas. We have attempted to rejuvenate our cities through the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM). The Rajiv Awas Yojana aims to provide housing to the poor and homeless in cities. The introduction of the National Food Security Bill, 2011, is yet another step to secure the poor and malnourished from the consequences of hunger and deprivation. The Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011 seeks equity for the farmer and those deprived of livelihoods. We have tried to create a more egalitarian and inclusive Indiadelivering the fruits of growth to the less privileged. That is and shall continue to be my Government’s mission.
On corruption, our Government like none before has taken decisive steps. In the last one year, we have been working on certain landmark legislations. The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011, is before this House. The Public Interest Disclosure and Protection to Persons Making the Disclosures Bill, 2011, and the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, 2011, awaits your approval. The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010, has already been cleared by the Standing Committee and awaits Government’s consideration. The Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011, is being introduced which will ensure that essential public services are electronically delivered at the doorstep of the citizen. These are landmark and unprecedented legislations. On the administrative side, our Government seeks to streamline decision making consistent with the principles of transparency and accountability. We are formulating public policy measures on procurement. A Group of Ministers has recommended elimination of discretion in administrative matters where possible. This is work in progress. We began with the Right to Information Act. We will not end the fight against corruption with the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill.
We must embrace a holistic approach in our fight against corruption. Our laws must be all pervasive if we are genuine in our endeavour. Legal sophistry cannot be used to argue that State Legislatures must not adopt the model law proposed or delay its enforcement. Corruption is corruption whether in the Union or in the States. It has no legislative colour. I urge leaders of all parties to rise above partisan politics to demonstrate to the people of India that this House means business in its effort to combat corruption. All of us are party to the resolution reflecting the sense of the House in which we committed to establish Lokayuktas in the States along with the Lokpal. We would be in breach of the promise that this House made to the nation if we do not provide for the mechanism of the Lokayuktas by taking recourse to citing articles of the Constitution as impediments. Such a course of action should not derail the sense of the House. I urge my colleagues in Parliament to rise to the occasion and look beyond politics to pass this law.
The Central Government is responsible for providing a limited number of public services directly to the citizen. The real problem lies in the domain of State Governments where the aam aadmi feels the pinch of petty corruption on a daily basis. It is for this reason that Group C and Group D employees have been brought within the ambit of Lokayuktas in States. Local as well as State authorities are charged with providing essential services to the common man. It is here that the bane of corruption needs to be combated. Water, electricity, municipal services, land records, policing, transport, ration shops are but a few examples of essential services provided by State and Local authorities that affect the life of the aam aadmi. Setting up of Lokayuktas in States will go a long way in addressing the sense of frustration that is reflected in the anger that we see around us.
Even the major flagship schemes of the Central Government are implemented by public functionaries working under the State Government. Everyday in this and the other House, Members express their disillusionment with the way our Central schemes are implemented by States. We need to remedy this. Unless Lokayuktas are put in place, the cancer of corruption will spread. Let us not delay the issue any further. Federalism cannot be an impediment in the war against corruption.
We believe that the CBI should function without interference through any Government dictat. But no institution and no individual, howsoever high he may be, should be free from accountability. All institutional structures must be consistent with our Constitution. Today we are given to believe that a Government that is directly elected by the people and accountable to it cannot be trusted but a body that will not derive its legitimacy from the people directly or be accountable to it could be trusted to wield its immense powers with honour and trust. No entity should be created inconsistent with our constitutional framework and charged with onerous executive responsibilities without any accountability. In the ultimate analysis, all institutions within the framework of the Constitution are accountable to Parliament and Parliament alone. In our enthusiasm to enact this law we must not falter. I believe that the CBI should function independently of the Lokpal. I also believe that the CBI should function independently of the Government. But independence does not mean absence of accountability. We have, therefore, proposed a process of appointment of the CBI Director which involves the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India or his nominee and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. None should have doubts about the integrity of this process. As far as the issue of CBI functioning under the Lokpal is concerned, my Government believes that this would create an executive structure outside Parliament which is accountable to none. This is anathema to sound constitutional principles. I believe that the Bill which is now before the House contains a judicious blend of functional autonomy and accountability of the CBI. I am sure that the wisdom of this House will rise to support my Government’s proposal as reflected in this Bill.
In the course of this debate, the bureaucracy has been at the receiving end. While I agree that public functionaries must be above board and that delinquents must be dealt with expeditiously and decisively, I must express my deep appreciation for many a public servant who have shown exemplary integrity in discharging their functions in an environment of distrust. I don’t think all public functionaries need to be painted with the same brush just as all politicians should not be presumed to be corrupt. We must not throw the baby out with the bath water. Without a functional, efficient administrative system, no Government can deliver for its people. Let us not supplant the system with one in which the public servants will hesitate to fearlessly record what they think and in that process endanger the very soul of good governance. In judging the conduct of public servants, we must not lose sight of the need to distinguish genuine and honest mistakes in the discharge of their duties from patently illegal acts. Very often our public servants have to take decisions under conditions of uncertainty. The future being inherently uncertain, it is possible that an action which ex ante appears to be rational may ex post turn out to be faulty. Our systems of reward and punishment must not lose sight of this fact.
All systems of governance must be based on trust. It is the people’s trust that we in Government reflect and protect. Rampant distrust of all authority imperils the foundations of democracy. Our polity with its enormous size and diversity can only be held together when we put our faith and trust in institutions that we have carefully built over the years. The power of the electorate is the ultimate authority which brings accountability to our democratic institutions. In endangering democracy, we will only be unleashing the forces of chaos where reason will give way to emotion.
We are creating something for the future in response to the inadequacies of the present. We have to be mindful of the pitfalls when we look into the future. Let us not create something that will destroy all that we cherish – all in the name of combating corruption. Let us remember that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
We, as the representatives of the people, must act now to start yet another journey to rebuild the trust that is essential for a strong and vibrant India.”
Following is the text of the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh’s statement in Lok Sabha made while intervening during the debate on the Lokpal Bill today:
“There are some very special moments in the life of a nation. This is one such moment. The nation awaits with bated breath how the collective wisdom of this House will be reflected in the vote at the end of the debate on the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, 2011.
The broad provisions of this Bill have been vigourously debated both in the public domain and by political parties. It is my honest belief that the Bill that is now before the House lives up to the promise that members of this House collectively made to the people of this country by way of the sense of the House at the end of the debate on 27th August, 2011. The task of legislation is very serious business and must eventually be performed by all of us who have been constitutionally assigned this duty. Others can persuade and have their voices heard. But the decision must rest with us. At the same time we must keep in mind the fact that corruption and its consequences eat into the body politic. We have seen how public anger has manifested itself in the last one year. Let us, therefore, endorse this Bill as proposed. In drafting this legislation we have had a wide range of consultations. We have been enriched by the wisdom of political parties and all shades of opinion have been taken into account.
I wish to state that when my Government was elected, we wanted our policies to be people-centric. We believe in transparent, open governance and the well-being of the aam aadmi is central to all our policy prescriptions. Our ideological commitment to ‘open governance’ led us to bring the Right to Information Act in 2005. To further our people-centric policies, we enacted the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005. The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, is evidence of our desire to empower the disadvantaged and marginalized. The National Rural Health Mission addresses the health concerns of the poor in the rural areas. We have attempted to rejuvenate our cities through the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM). The Rajiv Awas Yojana aims to provide housing to the poor and homeless in cities. The introduction of the National Food Security Bill, 2011, is yet another step to secure the poor and malnourished from the consequences of hunger and deprivation. The Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011 seeks equity for the farmer and those deprived of livelihoods. We have tried to create a more egalitarian and inclusive Indiadelivering the fruits of growth to the less privileged. That is and shall continue to be my Government’s mission.
On corruption, our Government like none before has taken decisive steps. In the last one year, we have been working on certain landmark legislations. The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011, is before this House. The Public Interest Disclosure and Protection to Persons Making the Disclosures Bill, 2011, and the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, 2011, awaits your approval. The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2010, has already been cleared by the Standing Committee and awaits Government’s consideration. The Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011, is being introduced which will ensure that essential public services are electronically delivered at the doorstep of the citizen. These are landmark and unprecedented legislations. On the administrative side, our Government seeks to streamline decision making consistent with the principles of transparency and accountability. We are formulating public policy measures on procurement. A Group of Ministers has recommended elimination of discretion in administrative matters where possible. This is work in progress. We began with the Right to Information Act. We will not end the fight against corruption with the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill.
We must embrace a holistic approach in our fight against corruption. Our laws must be all pervasive if we are genuine in our endeavour. Legal sophistry cannot be used to argue that State Legislatures must not adopt the model law proposed or delay its enforcement. Corruption is corruption whether in the Union or in the States. It has no legislative colour. I urge leaders of all parties to rise above partisan politics to demonstrate to the people of India that this House means business in its effort to combat corruption. All of us are party to the resolution reflecting the sense of the House in which we committed to establish Lokayuktas in the States along with the Lokpal. We would be in breach of the promise that this House made to the nation if we do not provide for the mechanism of the Lokayuktas by taking recourse to citing articles of the Constitution as impediments. Such a course of action should not derail the sense of the House. I urge my colleagues in Parliament to rise to the occasion and look beyond politics to pass this law.
The Central Government is responsible for providing a limited number of public services directly to the citizen. The real problem lies in the domain of State Governments where the aam aadmi feels the pinch of petty corruption on a daily basis. It is for this reason that Group C and Group D employees have been brought within the ambit of Lokayuktas in States. Local as well as State authorities are charged with providing essential services to the common man. It is here that the bane of corruption needs to be combated. Water, electricity, municipal services, land records, policing, transport, ration shops are but a few examples of essential services provided by State and Local authorities that affect the life of the aam aadmi. Setting up of Lokayuktas in States will go a long way in addressing the sense of frustration that is reflected in the anger that we see around us.
Even the major flagship schemes of the Central Government are implemented by public functionaries working under the State Government. Everyday in this and the other House, Members express their disillusionment with the way our Central schemes are implemented by States. We need to remedy this. Unless Lokayuktas are put in place, the cancer of corruption will spread. Let us not delay the issue any further. Federalism cannot be an impediment in the war against corruption.
We believe that the CBI should function without interference through any Government dictat. But no institution and no individual, howsoever high he may be, should be free from accountability. All institutional structures must be consistent with our Constitution. Today we are given to believe that a Government that is directly elected by the people and accountable to it cannot be trusted but a body that will not derive its legitimacy from the people directly or be accountable to it could be trusted to wield its immense powers with honour and trust. No entity should be created inconsistent with our constitutional framework and charged with onerous executive responsibilities without any accountability. In the ultimate analysis, all institutions within the framework of the Constitution are accountable to Parliament and Parliament alone. In our enthusiasm to enact this law we must not falter. I believe that the CBI should function independently of the Lokpal. I also believe that the CBI should function independently of the Government. But independence does not mean absence of accountability. We have, therefore, proposed a process of appointment of the CBI Director which involves the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India or his nominee and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. None should have doubts about the integrity of this process. As far as the issue of CBI functioning under the Lokpal is concerned, my Government believes that this would create an executive structure outside Parliament which is accountable to none. This is anathema to sound constitutional principles. I believe that the Bill which is now before the House contains a judicious blend of functional autonomy and accountability of the CBI. I am sure that the wisdom of this House will rise to support my Government’s proposal as reflected in this Bill.
In the course of this debate, the bureaucracy has been at the receiving end. While I agree that public functionaries must be above board and that delinquents must be dealt with expeditiously and decisively, I must express my deep appreciation for many a public servant who have shown exemplary integrity in discharging their functions in an environment of distrust. I don’t think all public functionaries need to be painted with the same brush just as all politicians should not be presumed to be corrupt. We must not throw the baby out with the bath water. Without a functional, efficient administrative system, no Government can deliver for its people. Let us not supplant the system with one in which the public servants will hesitate to fearlessly record what they think and in that process endanger the very soul of good governance. In judging the conduct of public servants, we must not lose sight of the need to distinguish genuine and honest mistakes in the discharge of their duties from patently illegal acts. Very often our public servants have to take decisions under conditions of uncertainty. The future being inherently uncertain, it is possible that an action which ex ante appears to be rational may ex post turn out to be faulty. Our systems of reward and punishment must not lose sight of this fact.
All systems of governance must be based on trust. It is the people’s trust that we in Government reflect and protect. Rampant distrust of all authority imperils the foundations of democracy. Our polity with its enormous size and diversity can only be held together when we put our faith and trust in institutions that we have carefully built over the years. The power of the electorate is the ultimate authority which brings accountability to our democratic institutions. In endangering democracy, we will only be unleashing the forces of chaos where reason will give way to emotion.
We are creating something for the future in response to the inadequacies of the present. We have to be mindful of the pitfalls when we look into the future. Let us not create something that will destroy all that we cherish – all in the name of combating corruption. Let us remember that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
We, as the representatives of the people, must act now to start yet another journey to rebuild the trust that is essential for a strong and vibrant India.”
Tuesday, December 27, 2011
China Rail Link to Nathu la Soon
China rail: RS panel raises concern
Sunday, 25 December 2011 23:54 Pioneer News Service | New Delhi
A Rajya Sabha panel has expressed concern over China bringing railway line to almost Indian borders and has suggested the Defence Ministry to immediately bring to the notice of the Prime Minister the urgency to build a corpus for laying railway network in bordering areas.
It also urged upon the Government to draw up a time-bound plan to execute and implement the strategically important projects in coordination with stakeholders in a “time-bound manner”.
The panel headed by former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Bhagat Singh Koshiyari felt India had to cut a sorry figure in the 1962 war with China for want of adequate infrastructure in border areas.
China has completed its 3,900 km Beijing Lhasa rail link and is pushing ahead with several other rail road projects adjoining the Indian border. China proposes to build 5,000 km of rail link with emphasis on establishing connectivity to Tibetan Autonomous Region.
China is also considering an extension of the Golmu-Lhasa line up to Xigaze, south of Lhasa and from there to Yatung, a trading centre barely a few kilometres from Nathula, a mountain pass that connects Tibet with Sikkim.
Also there is a proposal to extend the line to Nyingchi, an important trading town north of Arunachal Pradesh at the trijunction with Myanmar. These rail lines will bring Chinese trains up to Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh — two Indian States that figure prominently on the radar of Sino-Indian dispute. It has also proposed to build rail network in Nepal.
“It is a matter of great concern that China has almost encircled Indian border areas through railway and road network. The issues is of great significance in view of the fact that China has grown exponentially in both the economic and the defence areas and (Indian) Government needs to be extremely cautious on both these counts,” a report by the panel has said.
India’s rail network is World’s most extensive but it does not penetrate the border states of J&K, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
In their petition to the committee in 2010, two MPs and five MLAs from Uttarakhand said, “The British left behind a track lane of 55,596 km, in 62 years since Independence the total railway track stands at 63,940 km. This work around addition of 130km in a year which is very pathetic. The situation in Himalayan States is even worse as not even a single kilometre has been added there since Independence.”
The Bhanupalli-Bilaspur-Beri; Ghanauli-Baddi; Nangal-Talwara and Bilaspur-Manali-Leh rail line in Himachal Pradesh, Rishikesh- Karnaprayag; Tanakpur-Ghat-Bageshwar; Dehradun-Kalsi; Ram Nagar-Chaukhutiya; Haridwar-Kotdwar-Ramnagar-Kathgodam; and Rishikesh-Dehradun in Uttarakhand, Hirumati-Itanagar; and Rupai-Parasuramkund in Arunachal Pradesh, Jammu-Rajauri-Poonch in J&K, Mirik-Gangtok and extension of Sevoke-Rangpu line up to Gangtok in Sikkim are in different phases. Paucity of fund, problem with land acquisition and bureaucratic hurdles have led to delays in their execution.
The Committee deliberated at length on the issue of funding by the State Government and the resultant cost escalation due to delays in allocation of resources by the State Government. The Committee felt that the only way out is to declare these projects as ‘National Projects’ or ‘strategically important projects’ with dedicated financial linkage.
The committee has also suggested the Government that instead of concentrating on all these railway lines, only those which are strategically important should be taken on priority basis.
It also suggested that problem of resource allocation could be addressed in the manner that instead of asking for one time allocation, if it was done in a phased manner then budgetary allocation could be done.
Sunday, 25 December 2011 23:54 Pioneer News Service | New Delhi
A Rajya Sabha panel has expressed concern over China bringing railway line to almost Indian borders and has suggested the Defence Ministry to immediately bring to the notice of the Prime Minister the urgency to build a corpus for laying railway network in bordering areas.
It also urged upon the Government to draw up a time-bound plan to execute and implement the strategically important projects in coordination with stakeholders in a “time-bound manner”.
The panel headed by former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Bhagat Singh Koshiyari felt India had to cut a sorry figure in the 1962 war with China for want of adequate infrastructure in border areas.
China has completed its 3,900 km Beijing Lhasa rail link and is pushing ahead with several other rail road projects adjoining the Indian border. China proposes to build 5,000 km of rail link with emphasis on establishing connectivity to Tibetan Autonomous Region.
China is also considering an extension of the Golmu-Lhasa line up to Xigaze, south of Lhasa and from there to Yatung, a trading centre barely a few kilometres from Nathula, a mountain pass that connects Tibet with Sikkim.
Also there is a proposal to extend the line to Nyingchi, an important trading town north of Arunachal Pradesh at the trijunction with Myanmar. These rail lines will bring Chinese trains up to Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh — two Indian States that figure prominently on the radar of Sino-Indian dispute. It has also proposed to build rail network in Nepal.
“It is a matter of great concern that China has almost encircled Indian border areas through railway and road network. The issues is of great significance in view of the fact that China has grown exponentially in both the economic and the defence areas and (Indian) Government needs to be extremely cautious on both these counts,” a report by the panel has said.
India’s rail network is World’s most extensive but it does not penetrate the border states of J&K, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
In their petition to the committee in 2010, two MPs and five MLAs from Uttarakhand said, “The British left behind a track lane of 55,596 km, in 62 years since Independence the total railway track stands at 63,940 km. This work around addition of 130km in a year which is very pathetic. The situation in Himalayan States is even worse as not even a single kilometre has been added there since Independence.”
The Bhanupalli-Bilaspur-Beri; Ghanauli-Baddi; Nangal-Talwara and Bilaspur-Manali-Leh rail line in Himachal Pradesh, Rishikesh- Karnaprayag; Tanakpur-Ghat-Bageshwar; Dehradun-Kalsi; Ram Nagar-Chaukhutiya; Haridwar-Kotdwar-Ramnagar-Kathgodam; and Rishikesh-Dehradun in Uttarakhand, Hirumati-Itanagar; and Rupai-Parasuramkund in Arunachal Pradesh, Jammu-Rajauri-Poonch in J&K, Mirik-Gangtok and extension of Sevoke-Rangpu line up to Gangtok in Sikkim are in different phases. Paucity of fund, problem with land acquisition and bureaucratic hurdles have led to delays in their execution.
The Committee deliberated at length on the issue of funding by the State Government and the resultant cost escalation due to delays in allocation of resources by the State Government. The Committee felt that the only way out is to declare these projects as ‘National Projects’ or ‘strategically important projects’ with dedicated financial linkage.
The committee has also suggested the Government that instead of concentrating on all these railway lines, only those which are strategically important should be taken on priority basis.
It also suggested that problem of resource allocation could be addressed in the manner that instead of asking for one time allocation, if it was done in a phased manner then budgetary allocation could be done.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
NREGA is money down the drain
SOURCE:HINDUBUSINESSLINE
THE HINDU Schemes like NREGA enrich the political class
Those who claim that welfare schemes ought to prevent the migration of workers from rural areas are promoting dependency and idleness and destroying the work ethic.
The Indian Government is to spend Rs 88,000 crore on rural development this year. About Rs 40,000 crore is under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme Act (NREGA). Government spokesmen and media fed by the government are asserting that the NREGA and some other schemes are meant to stop migration of workers from rural areas. This aim is irrational and is against historical experience.
If there were no migrations from overcrowded Europe to the newly discovered Australia and America, Europe would have been pauperised and the world would have been less prosperous without the wealth of these two continents.
The less prosperous Spanish-speaking South American workers are migrating to the US, thus satisfying the need for manual workers in that country. A few million skilled persons, such as electricians, masons, carpenters, fitters, plumbers, welders, drivers and construction workers from Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu are working in the Gulf countries.
If these people did not migrate to where work is, they could not have been fed and housed and uplifted here in India. It is their remittances that are adding to the prosperity of families at home.
State to state
Lakhs of Indian engineers and other professionals too are migrating to the US and some other developed countries in search of jobs. Their remittances are helping India. The skills of the returning people add to the talent pool in India.
Punjab's agriculture will wither if workers from Bihar do not migrate to that state. Within Andhra Pradesh, farm workers migrate from one district to another for so many agriculture operations, such as transplanting and harvesting.
Tens of thousands of men and women involved in physical labour are migrating from Srikakulam and Prakasam districts into the construction works in Hyderabad.
So many educated people and entrepreneurs migrate from one State to another, from one country to another, for full and better utilisation of their talents.
Encouraging the educated to migrate and confining the unskilled labourers to the village may ensure garnering votes of the poor.
Good money, wasteful use
Migration is an historical phenomenon. It can be seasonal, for short periods or permanent. Any scheme that is designed to contain India's rural population in the village of their birth itself is a retrograde step.
Villages cannot sustain so many unskilled labourers and not-so-literate labour. By creating useless “work” we are promoting dependency among the unfortunate rural, illiterate and unskilled population. This is, indeed, a social crime.
An example of the village Angaluru in Krishna district will illustrate how good money is being thrown away for bad results. Out of 1,000 families, 800 had registered themselves as BPL, seeking work under NREGA. So far, it was 100 days at Rs. 100 per day. Even at this, 80,000 mandays of useful work in a year is impossible in a village and that too, year after year.
The result is, wages for agricultural labour have gone up by 2.5 times and agriculture is becoming increasingly unviable. Farmers feel that it is better to sell the land and put that money a bank FD.
For instance, one acre of agriculture land sells at a minimum Rs 10 lakh. If this is sold and the money is put in an FD, the annual return is Rs 90,000. By cultivating that land, no farmer gets more than Rs 10,000-15,000 in a year. What incentive is there for cultivation?
Those who are registered for NREGA are mustered just for attendance and since there is no work to be done they go home, thus paid for no or little work.
This easily obtained money is spent largely on liquor: Rs15,000 crore per year worth of liquor is being sold in Andhra Pradesh. One can guess where the NREGA money is going. This is a social crime.
Welfare ethic, no work ethic
We are promoting dependency and idleness and destroying the work ethic; promoting, instead, the welfare ethic. It is estimated that excluding the subsidy on fertilisers, Rs 4 lakh crore of subsidies and throwaways such as pension for the old are spent under welfare. And 85 per cent of that is, every year, turning into black money, shared by government servants, business men and politicians. More the welfare, more the black money, and greater the destruction of the work ethic.
In the pursuit of power, winning elections by spending huge sums has become necessary. These sums can be generated by the vast amounts of money spent on “welfare”.
The discourse about welfare and the trickle that reaches the poor — they get the crumbs — acts as an opium for the political class.
For whom politics is the profession and government power is the goal, welfare and the poor are the enablers. Welfare spending for the poor cannot be criticised on moral grounds. It can be shown to be the instrument for aggrandisement by a few.
We are not building an egalitarian society. Wealth is being created by the educated and enterprising. Much of it is accruing to politicians in power and their businessmen cronies getting at the levers of power.
This is not good for the country. Ignoble people are choosing politics as the least risky profession to get government power and using it for accumulation of wealth, keeping the poor opiated by trickles of welfare.
( The author is Chairman, Pragna Bharati, Andhra Pradesh.)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)