13,521 criminals at large in Delhi, Police tell Court
The Delhi police have informed the Delhi High Court that as many as 13,521 accused persons are currently fleeing from justice and 4,777 of them are involved in offences where the punishment is seven years or more.
These figures were provided to a Division Bench of the Court comprising Justice A.K. Sikri and Justice Ajit Bharihoke by the Delhi police on a direction issued by the Court on October 22 last year. The Bench had passed the direction while hearing an appeal in a criminal case.
These accused persons are absconding after being released on bail or were not arrested by the investigating agency during investigation.
While issuing the direction, the Court had said that it was observed that many an accused were either not arrested or had absconded during the trial or pendency of their appeals after they were granted bail.
It said that it would like to examine this aspect to put in place a proper system to ensure that a follow-up action was taken to locate the absconding accused and it was reviewed periodically.
The police further informed the Court that in as many as 1061 cases, the names of proclaimed offenders were being expunged from the absconders’ list due to various reasons.
The police also informed the Court that special measures were being taken to remedy the situation.
After going through the report, the Bench said that it was of the view that much more was required to be done by the investigating agency. It gave four weeks to the Delhi police to file a status report giving details about the steps being taken by it to arrest the proclaimed offenders.
The police would in their report also indicate the number of proclaimed offenders arrested since the direction was passed.
The matter will now come up for hearing on March 3.
Saturday, January 9, 2010
India: 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas marks a watershed: Vayalar Ravi
PBD-2010 CONCLUDES WITH THE CONFERRING OF PRAVASI BHARATIYA SAMMANS
9 Jan 2010
Pravasi Bharatiya Divas-2010 concluded here today with the resolve to develop strong bond between Indian community abroad and their motherland by better understanding the needs of the community and providing them all possible opportunities.
Expressing satisfaction over the two day’s deliberations, Shri Vayalar Ravi said that the Eighth Pravasi Bharatiya Divas marks a watershed, in the relationship, between India and its Diaspora. For the first time, we sought to define an ‘inclusive agenda’ to enhance reciprocal engagement between India and its overseas community. He said that the theme, this year has gone beyond the narrow confines, of asking what the overseas Indians can do for India to include and what India can do for overseas Indians. The focus of this PBD has been on developing innovative avenues by which overseas Indians can benefit from the myriad opportunities that India offers, the Minister observed.
Highlighting the significance of some of the issues raised during the PBD-2010, the Minister said that several potential modes for engaging the Diaspora – the proposal for issue of ‘India Infrastructure Bonds’, collaborating in Skill Development and building Business to Business Partnerships have been discussed. Shri Ravi said that this year’s PBD also signals, a paradigm shift, in the level, the range and the pace, of our mutual engagement. It is our conviction, that we must now expand our engagement and reach out to the vast majority, of the average middle class overseas Indians. We must also make our mutual engagement strategic over the medium to long term.
Shri Vayalar Ravi said that there is a need to redefine the role, relations and partnerships of NRIs with the country in view of the fact that over the next decade India will be well on its way to join the ranks of developed countries and become an important player in global development. There is also a need to give deep thought to the role of youth, especially the role of scientists, technologists and academics of Indian origin to address global issues like climate change. He stressed that it is time that ‘gender’ is acknowledged as an important dimension of the diaspora. They should be provided the opportunities to discover India – it’s glorious past, exciting present and promising future.
Reiterating government’s commitment to forge strong bond with Indian community abroad, Shri Ravi said ‘in particular, we wish to reach out to the younger generation of the overseas community - the children and grand children of overseas Indians who were born and raised abroad – and help them discover their roots’.
He said that the government is enthused by the response and the large number of delegates from across the world and assured all possible steps to implement the decisions taken and address the concerns raised during the meet.
On the conclusion of the meet, fourteen eminent overseas Indians from different walks of life were awarded the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman – 2010 by the President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil. The Awards) are conferred on a Non-Resident Indian or an organization/institution, who have made significant contribution towards better understanding abroad of India and support to India’s causes and concerns in a tangible way.
The Awardees are, Mr. Mohinder Singh Bhullar from Brunei,Darussalam; Mr. Yanktesh Permal Reddy from Fiji; Mr. Ryuko Hira from Japan; (Mrs) Dr. Ruby Umesh Pawankar from Japan;Mr. Suresh Kumar Virmani from Oman; Mr. Pravin Jamnadas Gordhan from South Africa; Dr. Tholisiah Perumal Naidoo from South Africa; Dr. Rajni Kanabar from Tanzania; Mr. Deepak Mittal from Thailand; Dr. Lenny Krishendath Saith from Trinidad & Tobago;Dr. Azad Moopen from U.A.E;Dr. Mani Lal Bhaumik from U.S.A.;Mr. Ashok Kumar Mago from U.S.A; Mr. Upendra J. Chivukula from USA.
********
PBD-2010 CONCLUDES WITH THE CONFERRING OF PRAVASI BHARATIYA SAMMANS
9 Jan 2010
Pravasi Bharatiya Divas-2010 concluded here today with the resolve to develop strong bond between Indian community abroad and their motherland by better understanding the needs of the community and providing them all possible opportunities.
Expressing satisfaction over the two day’s deliberations, Shri Vayalar Ravi said that the Eighth Pravasi Bharatiya Divas marks a watershed, in the relationship, between India and its Diaspora. For the first time, we sought to define an ‘inclusive agenda’ to enhance reciprocal engagement between India and its overseas community. He said that the theme, this year has gone beyond the narrow confines, of asking what the overseas Indians can do for India to include and what India can do for overseas Indians. The focus of this PBD has been on developing innovative avenues by which overseas Indians can benefit from the myriad opportunities that India offers, the Minister observed.
Highlighting the significance of some of the issues raised during the PBD-2010, the Minister said that several potential modes for engaging the Diaspora – the proposal for issue of ‘India Infrastructure Bonds’, collaborating in Skill Development and building Business to Business Partnerships have been discussed. Shri Ravi said that this year’s PBD also signals, a paradigm shift, in the level, the range and the pace, of our mutual engagement. It is our conviction, that we must now expand our engagement and reach out to the vast majority, of the average middle class overseas Indians. We must also make our mutual engagement strategic over the medium to long term.
Shri Vayalar Ravi said that there is a need to redefine the role, relations and partnerships of NRIs with the country in view of the fact that over the next decade India will be well on its way to join the ranks of developed countries and become an important player in global development. There is also a need to give deep thought to the role of youth, especially the role of scientists, technologists and academics of Indian origin to address global issues like climate change. He stressed that it is time that ‘gender’ is acknowledged as an important dimension of the diaspora. They should be provided the opportunities to discover India – it’s glorious past, exciting present and promising future.
Reiterating government’s commitment to forge strong bond with Indian community abroad, Shri Ravi said ‘in particular, we wish to reach out to the younger generation of the overseas community - the children and grand children of overseas Indians who were born and raised abroad – and help them discover their roots’.
He said that the government is enthused by the response and the large number of delegates from across the world and assured all possible steps to implement the decisions taken and address the concerns raised during the meet.
On the conclusion of the meet, fourteen eminent overseas Indians from different walks of life were awarded the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman – 2010 by the President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil. The Awards) are conferred on a Non-Resident Indian or an organization/institution, who have made significant contribution towards better understanding abroad of India and support to India’s causes and concerns in a tangible way.
The Awardees are, Mr. Mohinder Singh Bhullar from Brunei,Darussalam; Mr. Yanktesh Permal Reddy from Fiji; Mr. Ryuko Hira from Japan; (Mrs) Dr. Ruby Umesh Pawankar from Japan;Mr. Suresh Kumar Virmani from Oman; Mr. Pravin Jamnadas Gordhan from South Africa; Dr. Tholisiah Perumal Naidoo from South Africa; Dr. Rajni Kanabar from Tanzania; Mr. Deepak Mittal from Thailand; Dr. Lenny Krishendath Saith from Trinidad & Tobago;Dr. Azad Moopen from U.A.E;Dr. Mani Lal Bhaumik from U.S.A.;Mr. Ashok Kumar Mago from U.S.A; Mr. Upendra J. Chivukula from USA.
********
INDIA: The President of India at the valedictory function of the 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas convention
18:51 IST
9 Jan 2010
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am glad to be here this evening in the midst of a wide cross section of 'Global Indians' from across the world. Let me begin by wishing all of you a very happy New Year and congratulating all those who have been conferred the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards.
Every year we celebrate the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas on 9th January to commemorate the return of Mahatma Gandhi to India on this day in the year 1915. That a large number of delegates from over 50 countries are attending the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas is an encouraging sign. Each of you by the dint of hard work and determination overcame many a difficulty in far away lands, to carve out a niche for yourself in your chosen fields. We are proud of your achievements.
The story of overseas Indians across the world is best captured in the words of Vishwamitra Ganga Aashutosh, the renowned poet from Mauritius:-
"No gold did they find,
Underneath any stone
They touched and turned,
Yet, every stone they touched,
Into solid gold they turned."
I am confident that with your calibre, creativity and enterprise you will continue to contribute to the advancement of human civilization, particularly as your roots lie in this, one of the most ancient civilizations of the world, in which acquisition of knowledge and universal welfare have been laudable objectives.
As we turn the corner of the first decade of the 21st Century, it is in fact, becoming more and more evident that we live in an increasingly inter-connected world. Such a world requires that each one of you must play the responsible role of a global citizen. Moreover, it is now clear that we are living in a knowledge based society in which knowledge is the resource and knowledge workers the dominant work force. One of the driving forces of change has been the globalization process - the movement of people, business, industry and skills in the global market place. This process itself has been made possible by the spectacular advances in information, communication and technology. What then are the challenges to human progress in the 21st Century, which has all these characteristics?
In this century, human society faces the daunting yet inspiring task of forging "sustainability," in all its activities, so that while meeting current human needs, the requirements of future generations are also safeguarded. Poverty, hunger and disease still exist in significant parts of the world. Global trends of increased threats from terrorism, economic disparities and environmental degradation are among issues of growing concern. How do we work to promote development that is just, humane and inclusive? How can the vast reservoirs of knowledge be utilized to improve human conditions?
Overseas Indians estimated at over 25 million and spread across the world, have come to be recognized as the 'Knowledge Diaspora'. The knowledge, expertise, skills and resources of this vast and diverse Indian community can be an important input in India's march to becoming a developed country.
In the social infrastructure sector as also physical infrastructure development, India is looking at investment increasingly in the public-private partnership model. Our infrastructure financing needs are estimated to be over US Dollars 500 billion in the next five years. We are focusing on improving the quality and quantity of education at all levels of the education pyramid. The expenditure on healthcare infrastructure in the country is projected to grow at 5.8 per cent annually. This presents an unprecedented opportunity, including for our overseas community to participate and benefit in India's unfolding growth story.
The Indian growth story is an absorbing, exciting and a continuing one. We are a big and a growing market. We have a strong capital market regulator and a strong Central Bank. Our banks and financial institutions are based on 'best practices' in fiduciary responsibility and are well-regulated. All this enabled us to cope with one of the worst economic downturns in recent history, better than many other countries and it has also meant a quicker recovery. India posted a growth of 6.7 percent in 2008-09 and we will achieve over 7 percent this year. In the post-crisis world, India is increasingly perceived as one of the principal engines of growth, a safe destination for investment and an emerging educational and technological hub.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There is immense capacity that you have both in talent and in financial terms, that can be invested in India. We hope to see your greater participation in the coming years in the development of India. Of course, India's remittances from overseas Indians, estimated at over US Dollars 50 billion last year, were the highest in the world. What is less known, though, is the fact that nearly forty percent of these remittances - about US Dollars 20 billion annually - come from overseas Indian workers in the Gulf consisting of temporary contractual skilled and semi-skilled workers. They often face harsh living and working conditions and are separated from their families for long periods of time. I take this opportunity to salute Indian workers in the Gulf.
I would also like to congratulate Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs, Shri Vayalar Ravi and his Ministry, for taking welfare measures for Indians living abroad. The Indian Community Welfare Funds established in 18 countries will provide timely succour to overseas Indians in distress. The bilateral Social Security Agreements as well as the Labour Welfare and Protection Agreements that have been concluded will be useful in getting the cooperation of the host governments on issues impacting the Indian community. Similarly, the Government is strongly taking up concerns about the protection and security of Indians, particularly students, with Governments of countries in which they live.
Since the last Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, the most significant development in India was the general elections. With an over 700 million electorate, this exercise in democracy is unmatched in its scale. The verdict of the people reinforced to the world, the idea of India - of a nation that upholds democratic values and seeks to build an inclusive and progressive society. In this paradigm, we have made considerable efforts to reach out to overseas Indians. This is a time to forge strong partnerships. I have no doubt that together we can walk the path of progress and make India a strong nation.
I wish you success in your endeavours.
Thank you,
JAI HIND
******
AKT/PKM
18:51 IST
9 Jan 2010
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am glad to be here this evening in the midst of a wide cross section of 'Global Indians' from across the world. Let me begin by wishing all of you a very happy New Year and congratulating all those who have been conferred the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards.
Every year we celebrate the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas on 9th January to commemorate the return of Mahatma Gandhi to India on this day in the year 1915. That a large number of delegates from over 50 countries are attending the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas is an encouraging sign. Each of you by the dint of hard work and determination overcame many a difficulty in far away lands, to carve out a niche for yourself in your chosen fields. We are proud of your achievements.
The story of overseas Indians across the world is best captured in the words of Vishwamitra Ganga Aashutosh, the renowned poet from Mauritius:-
"No gold did they find,
Underneath any stone
They touched and turned,
Yet, every stone they touched,
Into solid gold they turned."
I am confident that with your calibre, creativity and enterprise you will continue to contribute to the advancement of human civilization, particularly as your roots lie in this, one of the most ancient civilizations of the world, in which acquisition of knowledge and universal welfare have been laudable objectives.
As we turn the corner of the first decade of the 21st Century, it is in fact, becoming more and more evident that we live in an increasingly inter-connected world. Such a world requires that each one of you must play the responsible role of a global citizen. Moreover, it is now clear that we are living in a knowledge based society in which knowledge is the resource and knowledge workers the dominant work force. One of the driving forces of change has been the globalization process - the movement of people, business, industry and skills in the global market place. This process itself has been made possible by the spectacular advances in information, communication and technology. What then are the challenges to human progress in the 21st Century, which has all these characteristics?
In this century, human society faces the daunting yet inspiring task of forging "sustainability," in all its activities, so that while meeting current human needs, the requirements of future generations are also safeguarded. Poverty, hunger and disease still exist in significant parts of the world. Global trends of increased threats from terrorism, economic disparities and environmental degradation are among issues of growing concern. How do we work to promote development that is just, humane and inclusive? How can the vast reservoirs of knowledge be utilized to improve human conditions?
Overseas Indians estimated at over 25 million and spread across the world, have come to be recognized as the 'Knowledge Diaspora'. The knowledge, expertise, skills and resources of this vast and diverse Indian community can be an important input in India's march to becoming a developed country.
In the social infrastructure sector as also physical infrastructure development, India is looking at investment increasingly in the public-private partnership model. Our infrastructure financing needs are estimated to be over US Dollars 500 billion in the next five years. We are focusing on improving the quality and quantity of education at all levels of the education pyramid. The expenditure on healthcare infrastructure in the country is projected to grow at 5.8 per cent annually. This presents an unprecedented opportunity, including for our overseas community to participate and benefit in India's unfolding growth story.
The Indian growth story is an absorbing, exciting and a continuing one. We are a big and a growing market. We have a strong capital market regulator and a strong Central Bank. Our banks and financial institutions are based on 'best practices' in fiduciary responsibility and are well-regulated. All this enabled us to cope with one of the worst economic downturns in recent history, better than many other countries and it has also meant a quicker recovery. India posted a growth of 6.7 percent in 2008-09 and we will achieve over 7 percent this year. In the post-crisis world, India is increasingly perceived as one of the principal engines of growth, a safe destination for investment and an emerging educational and technological hub.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
There is immense capacity that you have both in talent and in financial terms, that can be invested in India. We hope to see your greater participation in the coming years in the development of India. Of course, India's remittances from overseas Indians, estimated at over US Dollars 50 billion last year, were the highest in the world. What is less known, though, is the fact that nearly forty percent of these remittances - about US Dollars 20 billion annually - come from overseas Indian workers in the Gulf consisting of temporary contractual skilled and semi-skilled workers. They often face harsh living and working conditions and are separated from their families for long periods of time. I take this opportunity to salute Indian workers in the Gulf.
I would also like to congratulate Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs, Shri Vayalar Ravi and his Ministry, for taking welfare measures for Indians living abroad. The Indian Community Welfare Funds established in 18 countries will provide timely succour to overseas Indians in distress. The bilateral Social Security Agreements as well as the Labour Welfare and Protection Agreements that have been concluded will be useful in getting the cooperation of the host governments on issues impacting the Indian community. Similarly, the Government is strongly taking up concerns about the protection and security of Indians, particularly students, with Governments of countries in which they live.
Since the last Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, the most significant development in India was the general elections. With an over 700 million electorate, this exercise in democracy is unmatched in its scale. The verdict of the people reinforced to the world, the idea of India - of a nation that upholds democratic values and seeks to build an inclusive and progressive society. In this paradigm, we have made considerable efforts to reach out to overseas Indians. This is a time to forge strong partnerships. I have no doubt that together we can walk the path of progress and make India a strong nation.
I wish you success in your endeavours.
Thank you,
JAI HIND
******
AKT/PKM
Short Notes: Home prices
Home prices in India are far from being in the bubble territory. When 95% of the home buyers are buying for residential and not for investment purposes, a bubble is not even on the horizon. This fact offers plenty of comfort to the largest mortgage lending company in India - HDFC. Its peers in the US – Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae – are still struggling to recover from the subprime crisis. However, HDFC can afford to look ahead. In an interview to a business daily, Ms Renu Sud, the MD of HDFC has opined that another 10% rise in home prices is affordable. While genuine buyers formed just 30-40% of the home sales in 2008, the figure has gone up to 95% in 2009. As per Ms Sud, this has offered more resilience to Indian real estate market. However, price rise to the extent of 25-30% will crowd out the genuine middle class buyers. It will only invite the speculative class of investors to the market. Also, certain pockets in Delhi and Mumbai that are already seeing lofty prices may see an imminent correction. Having said that HDFC expects mortgage loans to grow by 20-25% in the next fiscal. Its only caveat to developers and buyers is – "Don't let greed come in".
Home prices in India are far from being in the bubble territory. When 95% of the home buyers are buying for residential and not for investment purposes, a bubble is not even on the horizon. This fact offers plenty of comfort to the largest mortgage lending company in India - HDFC. Its peers in the US – Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae – are still struggling to recover from the subprime crisis. However, HDFC can afford to look ahead. In an interview to a business daily, Ms Renu Sud, the MD of HDFC has opined that another 10% rise in home prices is affordable. While genuine buyers formed just 30-40% of the home sales in 2008, the figure has gone up to 95% in 2009. As per Ms Sud, this has offered more resilience to Indian real estate market. However, price rise to the extent of 25-30% will crowd out the genuine middle class buyers. It will only invite the speculative class of investors to the market. Also, certain pockets in Delhi and Mumbai that are already seeing lofty prices may see an imminent correction. Having said that HDFC expects mortgage loans to grow by 20-25% in the next fiscal. Its only caveat to developers and buyers is – "Don't let greed come in".
Indian man set on fire in Melbourne
Indian man set on fire in Melbourne
9 Jan 2010
In another attack on Indians in Australia, a 29-year-old man from the country was set on fire by a group of four assailants here on Saturday, drawing strong condemnation from a student body which called such assaults unacceptable and asked authorities not to “dodge” the issue.
Jaspreet Singh was attacked in Essendon area of northwest Melbourne shortly before 2.00 am local time (0730 HRS IST), a week after an Indian student was stabbed to death in the city.
Singh, who suffered 20 per cent burns on his arms, chest and face, was admitted to ‘The Alfred’ hospital.
Singh and his wife left a dinner party in Essendon between 1.30 am and 2 am and drove to their nearby home in Grice Crescent. He dropped his wife at home and had gone to park his car when he was attacked, local media reported.
Police said that as he was getting out of the car, four men attacked him, pushing him back against the vehicle and pouring an unknown fluid on him. One of the men then ignited the fluid with a lighter before all the attackers fled.
The victim, who is now in a stable condition in the hospital, ran from the car while peeling off his clothes.
Denying any racial angle to the attack, detective Acting Senior Sergeant Neil Smyth said it is not yet known who the four men could be or their relationship to the victim. He said investigations indicate the attack was random.
source: The Hindu
9 Jan 2010
In another attack on Indians in Australia, a 29-year-old man from the country was set on fire by a group of four assailants here on Saturday, drawing strong condemnation from a student body which called such assaults unacceptable and asked authorities not to “dodge” the issue.
Jaspreet Singh was attacked in Essendon area of northwest Melbourne shortly before 2.00 am local time (0730 HRS IST), a week after an Indian student was stabbed to death in the city.
Singh, who suffered 20 per cent burns on his arms, chest and face, was admitted to ‘The Alfred’ hospital.
Singh and his wife left a dinner party in Essendon between 1.30 am and 2 am and drove to their nearby home in Grice Crescent. He dropped his wife at home and had gone to park his car when he was attacked, local media reported.
Police said that as he was getting out of the car, four men attacked him, pushing him back against the vehicle and pouring an unknown fluid on him. One of the men then ignited the fluid with a lighter before all the attackers fled.
The victim, who is now in a stable condition in the hospital, ran from the car while peeling off his clothes.
Denying any racial angle to the attack, detective Acting Senior Sergeant Neil Smyth said it is not yet known who the four men could be or their relationship to the victim. He said investigations indicate the attack was random.
source: The Hindu
ECONOMIC GRAVITY MOVING TOWARDS EAST
The centre of gravity of global economic activity has been moving eastwards towards Asia for quite some time now. The present global financial crisis has accelerated that process.
Asian economies, led by China, seek to spur domestic demand and increase intra-regional trade. As the global appetite for treasuries and US equities decreases, it is likely that large flows of risk capital will start moving to emerging markets again over the next six months. The main destinations will be India and China, but the countries of Southeast Asia are also set to benefit from these flows of global capital to the extent that they have an economic story to tell.
The two top performers are going to be Indonesia and Vietnam. Indonesia, the new “i” in BRIIC, has a market-size, natural resources and liberalisation story while Vietnam has a large and industrious labour force that is skilling upwards rapidly.
The Philippines and Thailand, despite political worries, remain relevant for their large domestic markets while Singapore, as the financial hub of the region, benefits from any increase in regional economic activity. This year also sees the full implementation of AFTA and the signing of more regional FTAs. We can be cautiously optimistic about the basis for growth in trade and investment.
I mentioned the major ASEAN countries but not Malaysia in my list of investment destinations. That is because Malaysia has fallen off the map for much needed foreign investment. With neither the cost and scale advantages of Vietnam and Indonesia nor the advanced capabilities of Singapore, Malaysia is firmly caught in a middle-income trap and appears to have fallen off the radar screen of foreign investors. It might seem puzzling that this country, sitting at the heart of Southeast Asia, blessed with extraordinary natural, cultural and human capital, and once a beacon in the developing world, has become irrelevant.
I want to discuss how this happened, and reflect on what this story might teach about larger issues of common concern. Other members of ASEAN might be concerned that a country that was once at the forefront in spearheading regional initiatives is at a crossroads over its own future.
The general election of March 2008 was a watershed in Malaysian politics. The ruling Barisan Nasional coalition lost its accustomed two-thirds majority in the Parliament, and lost five states to the opposition, including the economic backbone states of Selangor, Perak and Penang. Compared to the ebb and flow of power in other parliamentary democracies, you might not find this a remarkable development. Against the backdrop of Malaysia’s political history, however, the entire political landscape had changed overnight.
Gone was the invincibility of UMNO, the Malay-based party that has dominated Malaysian politics since independence. The political credibility of UMNO-BN had been more than just a set of racially-based political parties. Over its decades of ascendancy, history had been re-written, mythology created, and the party abolished and reinvented to reinforce the necessity and inevitability of a government led by UMNO.
The formula of communal power-sharing that the Barisan Nasional and its predecessor were built on had started life as a political accommodation, a nation-building compromise, a way-station on the road to a fuller union of our citizens. Fifty years later it had ossified into the appearance of an eternal racial contract, a model replicated at every level of national life. The election results plunged this model, and the regime built upon it, into crisis.
The people are often ahead of their government. They are interested in more things than identity politics. Unable to respond to the reality that the BN formula is broken and the people want more than ethno-religious politics, the ruling party appears to be reacting by digging itself deeper into narrow racial causes with no future in them. This desperate response is self-defeating in a cumulative way.
As UMNO is rejected by the voters, party members pursue racial issues more stridently. They think this will shore up their “base”. They are mistaken about the nature of that base. As they do so, they become more extreme and out of touch with ordinary voters of every race and religion whose major concerns are not racial or religious identity but matters such as corruption, security, the economy and education.
UMNO’s position in the present controversy over the use of the term “Allah” by non-Muslims is an example. In a milestone moment, PAS, the Islamic party, is holding onto the more plural and moderate position while UMNO is digging itself into an intolerant hardline position that has no parallel that I know of in the Muslim world. UMNO is fanning communal sentiment, and the government it leads is taking up policy lines based on “sensitivities” rather than principle. The issue appears to be more about racial sentiment than religious, let alone constitutional principles.
In a complex multiracial society a party and a government whose primary response to a public issue is sunk in the elastic goo of “sensitivities” rather than founded on principle, drawn from sentiment rather than from the Constitution, is already short of leadership and moral fibre. Public life is about behaving and choosing on principle rather than sentiment. Islam, in particular, demands that our actions be guided by an absolute commitment to justice for all rather than by looking inward at vague “sensitivities” of particular groups, however politically significant. It is about doing what is right rather than protecting arbitrary feelings. If feelings diverge from what is right and just, then it’s time to show some leadership.
“Sensitivities” is the favoured resort of the gutter politician. With it he raises a mob, fans its resentment and helps it discover a growing list of other sensitivities. This is a road to ruin. A nation is made up of citizens bound by a shared conception of justice and not of mobs extracting satisfaction for politicised emotional states.
As a mark of our decline, at some point in our recent history the government itself began to speak the language of sensitivities. In the controversy over whether Christians are allowed to use the term “Allah” the government talks about managing sentiment when it should be talking about what is the right thing to do. This is what government sounds like when a political system and its leadership have come unstuck from the rule of law.
It goes from issue to issue, hostage to the brinksmanship of sensitivities. Small matters threaten to erupt into racial conflict. The government of a multiracial society that cannot rise above sentiment is clearly too weak or too self-interested to hold the country together. It has lost credibility and legitimacy. The regime is in crisis.
The deterioration of our political order did not happen overnight or in isolation. It is part of a more general pattern of the decline of democracy and the rule of law in many newer democracies. Many post-colonial societies that began with democratic institutions saw democracy collapse afterwards into dictatorship. I can think of Nigeria, Pakistan and Kenya, for example. What has not been said is that underneath the appearance of continuity, and over two decades, Malaysia has quietly undergone the same process.
There has been, beneath the surface, a decisive rupture with the federal, constitutional and democratic system upon which we were founded, and which alone confers legitimacy. What replaced it was an authoritarianism based on personality. Policy was set according to personal whims of the leader, which is to say that in areas such as the economy and foreign affairs, the country was run according to the personal enthusiasms and pet peeves of individual leaders.
Power was consolidated and constitutional government turned back. The result was a recession to authoritarianism and the centralisation of power, abetted by the corruption of the ruling party. The ideology of the ruling party, which had combined Malay nationalism with an overriding national concern, was vulgarised into an easily manipulated politics of group resentment.
UMNO started in 1946 as a grassroots-based party that commanded the idealism of my generation. After 1987 it was transformed into a top-down patronage machine. Party membership became a ticket to personal gain. The party attracted opportunists and ne’er do wells while good people stayed away in droves. For any organisation this is a death spiral.
The challenge of UMNO and of Malaysia today is not simply reform but restoration, not simply democratisation but re-democratisation. This is because we are not building from scratch but trying to recover from the decline of once-excellent core institutions.
There are regional implications to Malaysia’s crisis. The formation of the Federation of Malaysia in 1963 precipitated a regional conflict to which, in part, the formation of ASEAN in 1967 was meant to be a solution. Now in a clear sign of the erosion of the rule of law, agreements that structured state-federal relations over matters such as the distribution of the petroleum revenue are casually ignored. Malaysia is a federation of sovereign entities, but one of the consequences of authoritarianism has been that it has come to be run habitually as a unitary state. We have to learn again how to be a federation.
Let me try to draw some conclusions:
Shortcuts in governance may appear to work for awhile, but they wreak long-term havoc on the institutional capability of a nation. Short-term boosts to the economy are difficult to evaluate when 40 per cent of the national budget come from a single source which does not report financial details either to the public or to Parliament.
What is clear is that there is no secure basis for long-term growth without a return to strong institutions, transparency and good government. The challenges of economic development, nation-building and institutional integrity are linked, more so in a complex country like Malaysia.
The success of ASEAN collaborative measures depends on the core countries taking a lead, and it is in everyone’s interest that these countries have strong democratic institutions and the rule of law. When countries lack good governance and transparency, domestic economies falter, domestic politics goes from crisis to crisis, and the country turns inwards and away from engaging constructively with the real world and with their neighbours.
The economic success of ASEAN economies up to the Nineties was based in part on the superiority of their institutional frameworks to those of Eastern Europe and South America. In the early days, Malaysia and Singapore played leading roles in ASEAN. Of late, Malaysia’s role has diminished, while that of Indonesia has grown. It is no accident that this is the result of successful reform and democratisation in Indonesia and the failure so far of any such process in Malaysia. Over the longer term, reform and democratisation must go hand in hand for there to be sustained economic development.
The present Prime Minister has made some helpful gestures towards liberalising the economy and pursuing more multiracial policies. These initiatives, however, must do more than skim the surface of what must be done. Malaysia is in need of fundamental reform. The reforms we need include, at minimum:
a. An overhaul of the party system which rules out racially exclusive parties from facing directly contesting elections. This will inaugurate a new era of post-racial politics.
b. The restoration of the independence of the judiciary and the freedom of the media.
c. An all-out war on corruption, the root of all the evils in nation-building and economic development.
The greater economic collaboration we aspire to in ASEAN requires that we pay attention to the internal conditions in each country that make it possible. We need to place the promotion of governance and institutional reform on the ASEAN agenda. I hope this is a matter you see fit to take up.
(This was the speech delivered by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the ISEAS Regional Outlook Forum 2010 at the Shangri-la Hotel, Singapore on January 7, 2010).
The centre of gravity of global economic activity has been moving eastwards towards Asia for quite some time now. The present global financial crisis has accelerated that process.
Asian economies, led by China, seek to spur domestic demand and increase intra-regional trade. As the global appetite for treasuries and US equities decreases, it is likely that large flows of risk capital will start moving to emerging markets again over the next six months. The main destinations will be India and China, but the countries of Southeast Asia are also set to benefit from these flows of global capital to the extent that they have an economic story to tell.
The two top performers are going to be Indonesia and Vietnam. Indonesia, the new “i” in BRIIC, has a market-size, natural resources and liberalisation story while Vietnam has a large and industrious labour force that is skilling upwards rapidly.
The Philippines and Thailand, despite political worries, remain relevant for their large domestic markets while Singapore, as the financial hub of the region, benefits from any increase in regional economic activity. This year also sees the full implementation of AFTA and the signing of more regional FTAs. We can be cautiously optimistic about the basis for growth in trade and investment.
I mentioned the major ASEAN countries but not Malaysia in my list of investment destinations. That is because Malaysia has fallen off the map for much needed foreign investment. With neither the cost and scale advantages of Vietnam and Indonesia nor the advanced capabilities of Singapore, Malaysia is firmly caught in a middle-income trap and appears to have fallen off the radar screen of foreign investors. It might seem puzzling that this country, sitting at the heart of Southeast Asia, blessed with extraordinary natural, cultural and human capital, and once a beacon in the developing world, has become irrelevant.
I want to discuss how this happened, and reflect on what this story might teach about larger issues of common concern. Other members of ASEAN might be concerned that a country that was once at the forefront in spearheading regional initiatives is at a crossroads over its own future.
The general election of March 2008 was a watershed in Malaysian politics. The ruling Barisan Nasional coalition lost its accustomed two-thirds majority in the Parliament, and lost five states to the opposition, including the economic backbone states of Selangor, Perak and Penang. Compared to the ebb and flow of power in other parliamentary democracies, you might not find this a remarkable development. Against the backdrop of Malaysia’s political history, however, the entire political landscape had changed overnight.
Gone was the invincibility of UMNO, the Malay-based party that has dominated Malaysian politics since independence. The political credibility of UMNO-BN had been more than just a set of racially-based political parties. Over its decades of ascendancy, history had been re-written, mythology created, and the party abolished and reinvented to reinforce the necessity and inevitability of a government led by UMNO.
The formula of communal power-sharing that the Barisan Nasional and its predecessor were built on had started life as a political accommodation, a nation-building compromise, a way-station on the road to a fuller union of our citizens. Fifty years later it had ossified into the appearance of an eternal racial contract, a model replicated at every level of national life. The election results plunged this model, and the regime built upon it, into crisis.
The people are often ahead of their government. They are interested in more things than identity politics. Unable to respond to the reality that the BN formula is broken and the people want more than ethno-religious politics, the ruling party appears to be reacting by digging itself deeper into narrow racial causes with no future in them. This desperate response is self-defeating in a cumulative way.
As UMNO is rejected by the voters, party members pursue racial issues more stridently. They think this will shore up their “base”. They are mistaken about the nature of that base. As they do so, they become more extreme and out of touch with ordinary voters of every race and religion whose major concerns are not racial or religious identity but matters such as corruption, security, the economy and education.
UMNO’s position in the present controversy over the use of the term “Allah” by non-Muslims is an example. In a milestone moment, PAS, the Islamic party, is holding onto the more plural and moderate position while UMNO is digging itself into an intolerant hardline position that has no parallel that I know of in the Muslim world. UMNO is fanning communal sentiment, and the government it leads is taking up policy lines based on “sensitivities” rather than principle. The issue appears to be more about racial sentiment than religious, let alone constitutional principles.
In a complex multiracial society a party and a government whose primary response to a public issue is sunk in the elastic goo of “sensitivities” rather than founded on principle, drawn from sentiment rather than from the Constitution, is already short of leadership and moral fibre. Public life is about behaving and choosing on principle rather than sentiment. Islam, in particular, demands that our actions be guided by an absolute commitment to justice for all rather than by looking inward at vague “sensitivities” of particular groups, however politically significant. It is about doing what is right rather than protecting arbitrary feelings. If feelings diverge from what is right and just, then it’s time to show some leadership.
“Sensitivities” is the favoured resort of the gutter politician. With it he raises a mob, fans its resentment and helps it discover a growing list of other sensitivities. This is a road to ruin. A nation is made up of citizens bound by a shared conception of justice and not of mobs extracting satisfaction for politicised emotional states.
As a mark of our decline, at some point in our recent history the government itself began to speak the language of sensitivities. In the controversy over whether Christians are allowed to use the term “Allah” the government talks about managing sentiment when it should be talking about what is the right thing to do. This is what government sounds like when a political system and its leadership have come unstuck from the rule of law.
It goes from issue to issue, hostage to the brinksmanship of sensitivities. Small matters threaten to erupt into racial conflict. The government of a multiracial society that cannot rise above sentiment is clearly too weak or too self-interested to hold the country together. It has lost credibility and legitimacy. The regime is in crisis.
The deterioration of our political order did not happen overnight or in isolation. It is part of a more general pattern of the decline of democracy and the rule of law in many newer democracies. Many post-colonial societies that began with democratic institutions saw democracy collapse afterwards into dictatorship. I can think of Nigeria, Pakistan and Kenya, for example. What has not been said is that underneath the appearance of continuity, and over two decades, Malaysia has quietly undergone the same process.
There has been, beneath the surface, a decisive rupture with the federal, constitutional and democratic system upon which we were founded, and which alone confers legitimacy. What replaced it was an authoritarianism based on personality. Policy was set according to personal whims of the leader, which is to say that in areas such as the economy and foreign affairs, the country was run according to the personal enthusiasms and pet peeves of individual leaders.
Power was consolidated and constitutional government turned back. The result was a recession to authoritarianism and the centralisation of power, abetted by the corruption of the ruling party. The ideology of the ruling party, which had combined Malay nationalism with an overriding national concern, was vulgarised into an easily manipulated politics of group resentment.
UMNO started in 1946 as a grassroots-based party that commanded the idealism of my generation. After 1987 it was transformed into a top-down patronage machine. Party membership became a ticket to personal gain. The party attracted opportunists and ne’er do wells while good people stayed away in droves. For any organisation this is a death spiral.
The challenge of UMNO and of Malaysia today is not simply reform but restoration, not simply democratisation but re-democratisation. This is because we are not building from scratch but trying to recover from the decline of once-excellent core institutions.
There are regional implications to Malaysia’s crisis. The formation of the Federation of Malaysia in 1963 precipitated a regional conflict to which, in part, the formation of ASEAN in 1967 was meant to be a solution. Now in a clear sign of the erosion of the rule of law, agreements that structured state-federal relations over matters such as the distribution of the petroleum revenue are casually ignored. Malaysia is a federation of sovereign entities, but one of the consequences of authoritarianism has been that it has come to be run habitually as a unitary state. We have to learn again how to be a federation.
Let me try to draw some conclusions:
Shortcuts in governance may appear to work for awhile, but they wreak long-term havoc on the institutional capability of a nation. Short-term boosts to the economy are difficult to evaluate when 40 per cent of the national budget come from a single source which does not report financial details either to the public or to Parliament.
What is clear is that there is no secure basis for long-term growth without a return to strong institutions, transparency and good government. The challenges of economic development, nation-building and institutional integrity are linked, more so in a complex country like Malaysia.
The success of ASEAN collaborative measures depends on the core countries taking a lead, and it is in everyone’s interest that these countries have strong democratic institutions and the rule of law. When countries lack good governance and transparency, domestic economies falter, domestic politics goes from crisis to crisis, and the country turns inwards and away from engaging constructively with the real world and with their neighbours.
The economic success of ASEAN economies up to the Nineties was based in part on the superiority of their institutional frameworks to those of Eastern Europe and South America. In the early days, Malaysia and Singapore played leading roles in ASEAN. Of late, Malaysia’s role has diminished, while that of Indonesia has grown. It is no accident that this is the result of successful reform and democratisation in Indonesia and the failure so far of any such process in Malaysia. Over the longer term, reform and democratisation must go hand in hand for there to be sustained economic development.
The present Prime Minister has made some helpful gestures towards liberalising the economy and pursuing more multiracial policies. These initiatives, however, must do more than skim the surface of what must be done. Malaysia is in need of fundamental reform. The reforms we need include, at minimum:
a. An overhaul of the party system which rules out racially exclusive parties from facing directly contesting elections. This will inaugurate a new era of post-racial politics.
b. The restoration of the independence of the judiciary and the freedom of the media.
c. An all-out war on corruption, the root of all the evils in nation-building and economic development.
The greater economic collaboration we aspire to in ASEAN requires that we pay attention to the internal conditions in each country that make it possible. We need to place the promotion of governance and institutional reform on the ASEAN agenda. I hope this is a matter you see fit to take up.
(This was the speech delivered by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah at the ISEAS Regional Outlook Forum 2010 at the Shangri-la Hotel, Singapore on January 7, 2010).
China set to overtake India as world’s biggest gold consumer
China, the world’s largest producer of gold, is set to overtake India as the metal’s biggest consumer for the first time in history.
China’s gold consumption in 2009 has now been estimated at 450 tonnes, according to data released this week. This exceeds estimates for India’s net consumption last year, which is forecast at around 380 tonnes, according to the Bombay Bullion Association.
Demand for gold from Indian consumers has plummeted in the past 12 months, with soaring gold prices and as a result of the economic slowdown. But in this time, consumption in China rose by 13.8 per cent. The Chinese Government has, in recent months, encouraged consumers here to invest in gold and silver. Officials in Beijing have also increasingly pressed the government to put more of the country’s vast financial reserves into procuring assets, primarily gold and oil, and away from dollars.
According to recently released statistics by the China Gold Association, the estimated demand for gold touched 450 tonnes last year, up from 395.6 tonnes in 2008.
“With household incomes increasing, Chinese consumers are buying more jewellery and investing in gold assets. All of these are boosting gold demand,” Zhang Bingnan, Secretary of the China Gold Association, told the State-run China Daily newspaper.
Soaring prices
Soaring gold prices have, in part, been driven by the Chinese Government’s increasing appetite for the metal. China has been the world’s largest gold producer since 2007, when the country overtook South Africa. China had an annual output of 282.5 tonnes in 2009, when production grew by 14.6 per cent.
Most of the domestic production has been consumed internally, and China has now accumulated what is the world’s fifth largest reserve of gold. In recent months, Chinese mining companies, many of which are State-owned, have also begun casting their net overseas. In November, Zijin Mining made a $498 million offer to take over Australia’s Indophil. The move was seen by analysts as part of a recent concerted push by Beijing to secure gold assets abroad.
China, the world’s largest producer of gold, is set to overtake India as the metal’s biggest consumer for the first time in history.
China’s gold consumption in 2009 has now been estimated at 450 tonnes, according to data released this week. This exceeds estimates for India’s net consumption last year, which is forecast at around 380 tonnes, according to the Bombay Bullion Association.
Demand for gold from Indian consumers has plummeted in the past 12 months, with soaring gold prices and as a result of the economic slowdown. But in this time, consumption in China rose by 13.8 per cent. The Chinese Government has, in recent months, encouraged consumers here to invest in gold and silver. Officials in Beijing have also increasingly pressed the government to put more of the country’s vast financial reserves into procuring assets, primarily gold and oil, and away from dollars.
According to recently released statistics by the China Gold Association, the estimated demand for gold touched 450 tonnes last year, up from 395.6 tonnes in 2008.
“With household incomes increasing, Chinese consumers are buying more jewellery and investing in gold assets. All of these are boosting gold demand,” Zhang Bingnan, Secretary of the China Gold Association, told the State-run China Daily newspaper.
Soaring prices
Soaring gold prices have, in part, been driven by the Chinese Government’s increasing appetite for the metal. China has been the world’s largest gold producer since 2007, when the country overtook South Africa. China had an annual output of 282.5 tonnes in 2009, when production grew by 14.6 per cent.
Most of the domestic production has been consumed internally, and China has now accumulated what is the world’s fifth largest reserve of gold. In recent months, Chinese mining companies, many of which are State-owned, have also begun casting their net overseas. In November, Zijin Mining made a $498 million offer to take over Australia’s Indophil. The move was seen by analysts as part of a recent concerted push by Beijing to secure gold assets abroad.
Future of India-Bangladesh relations
Haroon Habib
Sheikh Hasina, who started her second term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh on January 6, 2009, is due to visit India from Sunday. This is her first visit to New Delhi during this term, and it is expected to be a significant one.
When Ms Hasina became Prime Minister in 1996 (she held office till 2001), her Awami League had a thin majority in Parliament, and her government had many limitations. She came to power after two decades that followed the bloody changeover of 1975. Despite those limitations, her government took some remarkable steps vis-À-vis India. Overall, it tried to reverse certain post-1975 political trends and to rejuvenate the pro-liberation spirit that was needed badly for a secular polity in a country that had seen the planned rehabilitation of the so-called 1947 spirit by a set of military and pseudo-democratic rulers.
During that tenure, the Awami League-led government signed the historic Ganga Water Treaty. It also paved the way for the return to India of thousands of Chakma refugees from Tripura with the signing of a landmark accord that ended decades of tribal insurgency in the border region. Then, it sent a firm signal to insurgents operating all across northeastern India, many of whom, as claimed by India, enjoyed sanctuary in Bangladesh. These steps were not easy to take, and indeed constituted a test of courage and conviction for the government.
This time, too, the government of the grand alliance led by the daughter of the slain founding father of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is not without its limitations. But its leadership is now more experienced. It won a landslide in the December 2008 elections, and secured a two-thirds-plus majority in Parliament. This enabled Ms Hasina’s government to amend the Constitution and bring about certain changes that it felt were needed to initiate a new journey that Bangladesh needs to undertake in order to get back on the right track.
Having achieved independence from Pakistan in the aftermath and as a consequence of the devastating war of 1971, Bangladesh did not get adequate time to consolidate itself and put itself on a firm democratic footing. India helped the Bengali freedom fighters to a great extent, and finally formed a joint military command after Pakistan attacked its soil. But that remarkable and historic achievement failed to deliver the expected outcome fully, probably due to a certain lack of alertness, a premature sense of euphoria or a misreading of the feelings of the forces that were defeated.
At the high-level meetings between Bangladesh and India over the next few days, particularly of the heads of governments, important bilateral aspects that will have a historical resonance are bound to come up. But the domestic context of the visit is unlikely to remain unnoticed.
Bangladesh is now ruled by secular democratic forces, known as the ‘pro-liberation’ forces. But the forces which opposed independence from Pakistan and which developed a solid economic foundation and organisational base over the past few decades, have now become quite alert and aggressive. They have been quickly joined by some elements — who were direct beneficiaries of the 1975 changeover and who ruled the country for 30 out of the 39 years of its political existence — and have unleashed a propaganda war.
The fundamentalists and the local versions of the Taliban do not want Bangladesh to remain friendly with India; to them India is “the enemy state.” But why is the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which is but a mixture of soft Islamists, fundamentalists and former communists, singing a similar tune?
When the national media projected the Prime Minister’s visit to India optimistically — as an opportunity to begin a new era and resolve certain outstanding issues — Begum Khaleda Zia, BNP chairperson and chief of the four-party rightist alliance in which the Jamaat-e-Islami plays a pivotal role, posed an open challenge to the government. She stated publicly that should Ms. Hasina conclude an honourable deal with India, she would be welcomed with garlands on her return. If, on the other hand, she failed to protect the ‘national interest,’ her path would be strewn with thorns.
This is an open challenge posed before the one-year-old government, which has ensured that the war criminals found guilty for their role during the liberation war against Pakistan face trial. The Supreme Court recently upheld the death sentence to the killers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
There are several issues on the table in the context of Ms Hasina’s visit. It is all right to analyse them ahead of the summit, but it will be wrong to give the impression that any lack of progress in solving them in a single visit will constitute failure. To imply that even a meeting with the Indian leader could somehow lead to an eventual surrender of national interests is equally fallacious.
Post-1975, the definition of patriotism changed in Bangladesh. Originally, it was the Bengali freedom fighters and their local collaborators on the warfront who were called “patriots” along with the vast majority of people who helped to fight the war against the Pakistan Army. But the history of the independence struggle was re-written, rather distorted, by a set of military and pseudo-democratic rulers. Fortunately, Bangladesh now looks forward to removing the distortions as a younger generation of Bangladeshis seeks to know what really happened.
The Khaleda Zia-led combine, which will soon be under the command of her controversial son Tareq Rahman — he is now in London and faces multiple corruption charges — did not perhaps notice the changed national mood. As Ms Hasina prepared to go to New Delhi, the Leader of the Opposition chose to question the patriotism of even the people who belong to the ruling party, forgetting that patriotism is not the monopoly of any single group or party.
Whenever such a top-level meeting takes place, the mainstream media delve into history and recall India’s support to the cause of Bangladesh’s nationhood. It is yet another irritant Begum Zia and her alliance have been destined to suffer. It is a matter of history that India sheltered 100 million refugees from the former East Pakistan when the Pakistan Army began a genocidal war against unarmed civilians, and also extended significant support to Bangladesh’s war that finally culminated in the creation of a new country.
However, the historic relationship did not develop as it was meant to. Bangladesh faced its first shock in August 1975 with the assassination of Mujibur Rahman. With state power vested in the military and pseudo-democratic rulers for two decades, Bangladesh found a new ethos that practically negated the secular spirit of 1971. India, too, underwent transformation on multiple fronts. Therefore, while history provides a vital thrust, India and Bangladesh must practically resolve the issues that have confronted them, and seek to put their relations on a solid foundation.
Since India is a big neighbour, some psychological impact on both sides of the border is inevitable. When the post-1975 situation influenced a section of Bangladeshis to look back at the “spirit of 1947,” which actually ran counter to the spirit of the war of liberation, Dhaka-New Delhi relations faced many obstacles. While this was against the will of many Bangladeshis, the protagonists of the “spirit of 1947” did succeed in influencing a section that would strongly argue that the stumbling blocks were mainly India’s “intransigence, chauvinism and obduracy.”
Bangladesh covers a relatively small territory. But it has enormous potential and considerable strategic significance. Close relations with India to resolve all major irritants should be a key requirement for it to make a new beginning. Despite having been in office only for a year and despite the fact that the adversaries of the pro-liberation spirit are more powerful than ever before, the Sheikh Hasina government has shown considerable courage and conviction to free its soil from anti-India activity. Many would, therefore, hope for suitable reciprocal gestures to strengthen the polity.
An economically strong, secular and democratic Bangladesh is crucial for New Delhi and the rest of the region. A democratic and secular India, and Bangladesh, that has started its renewed march towards a stable democratic polity despite the muscle flexing by some extremists, should work together for a stable South Asia.
(The writer, who was involved in Bangladesh’s freedom struggle, can be reached at: hh1971@gmail.com)
source: The Hindu
Haroon Habib
Sheikh Hasina, who started her second term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh on January 6, 2009, is due to visit India from Sunday. This is her first visit to New Delhi during this term, and it is expected to be a significant one.
When Ms Hasina became Prime Minister in 1996 (she held office till 2001), her Awami League had a thin majority in Parliament, and her government had many limitations. She came to power after two decades that followed the bloody changeover of 1975. Despite those limitations, her government took some remarkable steps vis-À-vis India. Overall, it tried to reverse certain post-1975 political trends and to rejuvenate the pro-liberation spirit that was needed badly for a secular polity in a country that had seen the planned rehabilitation of the so-called 1947 spirit by a set of military and pseudo-democratic rulers.
During that tenure, the Awami League-led government signed the historic Ganga Water Treaty. It also paved the way for the return to India of thousands of Chakma refugees from Tripura with the signing of a landmark accord that ended decades of tribal insurgency in the border region. Then, it sent a firm signal to insurgents operating all across northeastern India, many of whom, as claimed by India, enjoyed sanctuary in Bangladesh. These steps were not easy to take, and indeed constituted a test of courage and conviction for the government.
This time, too, the government of the grand alliance led by the daughter of the slain founding father of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, is not without its limitations. But its leadership is now more experienced. It won a landslide in the December 2008 elections, and secured a two-thirds-plus majority in Parliament. This enabled Ms Hasina’s government to amend the Constitution and bring about certain changes that it felt were needed to initiate a new journey that Bangladesh needs to undertake in order to get back on the right track.
Having achieved independence from Pakistan in the aftermath and as a consequence of the devastating war of 1971, Bangladesh did not get adequate time to consolidate itself and put itself on a firm democratic footing. India helped the Bengali freedom fighters to a great extent, and finally formed a joint military command after Pakistan attacked its soil. But that remarkable and historic achievement failed to deliver the expected outcome fully, probably due to a certain lack of alertness, a premature sense of euphoria or a misreading of the feelings of the forces that were defeated.
At the high-level meetings between Bangladesh and India over the next few days, particularly of the heads of governments, important bilateral aspects that will have a historical resonance are bound to come up. But the domestic context of the visit is unlikely to remain unnoticed.
Bangladesh is now ruled by secular democratic forces, known as the ‘pro-liberation’ forces. But the forces which opposed independence from Pakistan and which developed a solid economic foundation and organisational base over the past few decades, have now become quite alert and aggressive. They have been quickly joined by some elements — who were direct beneficiaries of the 1975 changeover and who ruled the country for 30 out of the 39 years of its political existence — and have unleashed a propaganda war.
The fundamentalists and the local versions of the Taliban do not want Bangladesh to remain friendly with India; to them India is “the enemy state.” But why is the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which is but a mixture of soft Islamists, fundamentalists and former communists, singing a similar tune?
When the national media projected the Prime Minister’s visit to India optimistically — as an opportunity to begin a new era and resolve certain outstanding issues — Begum Khaleda Zia, BNP chairperson and chief of the four-party rightist alliance in which the Jamaat-e-Islami plays a pivotal role, posed an open challenge to the government. She stated publicly that should Ms. Hasina conclude an honourable deal with India, she would be welcomed with garlands on her return. If, on the other hand, she failed to protect the ‘national interest,’ her path would be strewn with thorns.
This is an open challenge posed before the one-year-old government, which has ensured that the war criminals found guilty for their role during the liberation war against Pakistan face trial. The Supreme Court recently upheld the death sentence to the killers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
There are several issues on the table in the context of Ms Hasina’s visit. It is all right to analyse them ahead of the summit, but it will be wrong to give the impression that any lack of progress in solving them in a single visit will constitute failure. To imply that even a meeting with the Indian leader could somehow lead to an eventual surrender of national interests is equally fallacious.
Post-1975, the definition of patriotism changed in Bangladesh. Originally, it was the Bengali freedom fighters and their local collaborators on the warfront who were called “patriots” along with the vast majority of people who helped to fight the war against the Pakistan Army. But the history of the independence struggle was re-written, rather distorted, by a set of military and pseudo-democratic rulers. Fortunately, Bangladesh now looks forward to removing the distortions as a younger generation of Bangladeshis seeks to know what really happened.
The Khaleda Zia-led combine, which will soon be under the command of her controversial son Tareq Rahman — he is now in London and faces multiple corruption charges — did not perhaps notice the changed national mood. As Ms Hasina prepared to go to New Delhi, the Leader of the Opposition chose to question the patriotism of even the people who belong to the ruling party, forgetting that patriotism is not the monopoly of any single group or party.
Whenever such a top-level meeting takes place, the mainstream media delve into history and recall India’s support to the cause of Bangladesh’s nationhood. It is yet another irritant Begum Zia and her alliance have been destined to suffer. It is a matter of history that India sheltered 100 million refugees from the former East Pakistan when the Pakistan Army began a genocidal war against unarmed civilians, and also extended significant support to Bangladesh’s war that finally culminated in the creation of a new country.
However, the historic relationship did not develop as it was meant to. Bangladesh faced its first shock in August 1975 with the assassination of Mujibur Rahman. With state power vested in the military and pseudo-democratic rulers for two decades, Bangladesh found a new ethos that practically negated the secular spirit of 1971. India, too, underwent transformation on multiple fronts. Therefore, while history provides a vital thrust, India and Bangladesh must practically resolve the issues that have confronted them, and seek to put their relations on a solid foundation.
Since India is a big neighbour, some psychological impact on both sides of the border is inevitable. When the post-1975 situation influenced a section of Bangladeshis to look back at the “spirit of 1947,” which actually ran counter to the spirit of the war of liberation, Dhaka-New Delhi relations faced many obstacles. While this was against the will of many Bangladeshis, the protagonists of the “spirit of 1947” did succeed in influencing a section that would strongly argue that the stumbling blocks were mainly India’s “intransigence, chauvinism and obduracy.”
Bangladesh covers a relatively small territory. But it has enormous potential and considerable strategic significance. Close relations with India to resolve all major irritants should be a key requirement for it to make a new beginning. Despite having been in office only for a year and despite the fact that the adversaries of the pro-liberation spirit are more powerful than ever before, the Sheikh Hasina government has shown considerable courage and conviction to free its soil from anti-India activity. Many would, therefore, hope for suitable reciprocal gestures to strengthen the polity.
An economically strong, secular and democratic Bangladesh is crucial for New Delhi and the rest of the region. A democratic and secular India, and Bangladesh, that has started its renewed march towards a stable democratic polity despite the muscle flexing by some extremists, should work together for a stable South Asia.
(The writer, who was involved in Bangladesh’s freedom struggle, can be reached at: hh1971@gmail.com)
source: The Hindu
INDIA:Central Sales tax to ZERO FROM 31.3.2010
Delhi, Jan. 8
States have expressed to the Centre their initial reservations over levy of value-added tax (VAT) on textiles and sugar. This is one of the conditions that the States may be required to meet for availing themselves of better compensation from the Centre for the CST revenue loss in 2009-10.
While levy of VAT on sugar may not be appropriate when retail prices of sugar are already high, there may not also be a case for similar levy on textiles, particularly in the current economic downturn, according to the States.
In 2009-10, the Central Sales Tax (CST) revenue loss to the States consequent to the reduction in CST rate to 2 per cent is estimated at Rs 14,000 crore. The Finance Minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, on Friday made a new offer to the States towards the CST compensation package for 2009-10.
Of the required compensation of Rs 14,000 crore, the Centre is willing to pass to the States the entire Rs 5,000 crore from the expected service tax collections on agreed list of 33 services. For the remaining Rs 9,000 crore, Mr Mukherjee has suggested that given the slowdown in the economy the States can accept 50 per cent of it, implying that they have to forego the remaining 50 per cent.
However, compensation towards the 50 per cent of the gap will come with conditions like States being required to levy VAT on textiles and sugar, according to the current proposal.
“We (States) have to discuss the CST compensation package. But States have certain views with regard to the conditions connected with it (compensation package)”, Dr Asim Dasgupta, Chairman of the VAT Panel, said after meeting Mr Pranab Mukherjee at North Block today.
Meanwhile, there is no decision yet on the exact date for introduction of goods and services tax (GST). Mr Mukherjee has requested for further discussion with the States before an announcement could be made, Dr Dasgupta said.
The CST ceiling rate was last reduced to 2 per cent from June 1, 2008 as part of roadmap for phase-out of the levy by March 31, 2010. Currently, none of the States levy VAT on sugar and textiles. Many states have levied VAT on tobacco.
Delhi, Jan. 8
States have expressed to the Centre their initial reservations over levy of value-added tax (VAT) on textiles and sugar. This is one of the conditions that the States may be required to meet for availing themselves of better compensation from the Centre for the CST revenue loss in 2009-10.
While levy of VAT on sugar may not be appropriate when retail prices of sugar are already high, there may not also be a case for similar levy on textiles, particularly in the current economic downturn, according to the States.
In 2009-10, the Central Sales Tax (CST) revenue loss to the States consequent to the reduction in CST rate to 2 per cent is estimated at Rs 14,000 crore. The Finance Minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, on Friday made a new offer to the States towards the CST compensation package for 2009-10.
Of the required compensation of Rs 14,000 crore, the Centre is willing to pass to the States the entire Rs 5,000 crore from the expected service tax collections on agreed list of 33 services. For the remaining Rs 9,000 crore, Mr Mukherjee has suggested that given the slowdown in the economy the States can accept 50 per cent of it, implying that they have to forego the remaining 50 per cent.
However, compensation towards the 50 per cent of the gap will come with conditions like States being required to levy VAT on textiles and sugar, according to the current proposal.
“We (States) have to discuss the CST compensation package. But States have certain views with regard to the conditions connected with it (compensation package)”, Dr Asim Dasgupta, Chairman of the VAT Panel, said after meeting Mr Pranab Mukherjee at North Block today.
Meanwhile, there is no decision yet on the exact date for introduction of goods and services tax (GST). Mr Mukherjee has requested for further discussion with the States before an announcement could be made, Dr Dasgupta said.
The CST ceiling rate was last reduced to 2 per cent from June 1, 2008 as part of roadmap for phase-out of the levy by March 31, 2010. Currently, none of the States levy VAT on sugar and textiles. Many states have levied VAT on tobacco.
India: PM’s Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians meets
13:55 IST
Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh presided over the first meeting of the Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians here yesterday evening. The External Affairs Minister, Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs and senior officials also participated in the discussions.
The Council of Overseas Indians has been set up to draw upon the experience and knowledge of eminent people of Indian origin in diverse fields from across the world.
The Council meeting was attended by eminent Overseas Indians including: Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati, Shri. Karan F. Bilimoria, Shri Swadesh Chatterjee, Ms. Ela Gandhi, Shri Rajat K. Gupta, Lord Khalid Hameed, Dr. Renu Khator, Shri Kishore Mahbubani, Shri PNC Menon, Shri L.N. Mittal, Lord Bhiku Chotalal Parekh, Dr. Sam Pitroda, Tan Sri Dato’ Ajit Singh, Mr. Neville Joseph Roach, Prof. Srinivasa SR Varadhan and Mr. Yusuffali M.A.
The Members of the Council appreciated the initiative of Prime Minister for setting up the Council, and providing a platform for overseas Indian community to share their experience and knowledge for the socio-economic development of India. Members were of the unanimous view that India and its overseas community can and should build a strong, strategic and mutually beneficial partnership. Members shared their views on various aspects such as contributing to social and philanthropic work, education and skill development, collaborating work with the academic and scientific community, developing institutions of excellence, facilitating investments into India, and initiatives for facilitating young overseas Indians to rediscover their roots.
Prime Minister welcomed the ideas and suggestions made by Members of the Council. He said that never before Government of India had brought together on one platform such an exceptional group of eminence and achievements as the Members of the Global Advisory Council. Prime Minister observed that he was confident that India would return to sustained high growth path of 9-10 percent in the coming years. Prime Minister said that the Government would give most careful consideration to all the suggestions made by the Council members, and that he looked forward to sustained dialogue with the Members of the Global Advisory Council in opening new avenues of cooperation between the overseas Indian community and India.
13:55 IST
Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh presided over the first meeting of the Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians here yesterday evening. The External Affairs Minister, Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs and senior officials also participated in the discussions.
The Council of Overseas Indians has been set up to draw upon the experience and knowledge of eminent people of Indian origin in diverse fields from across the world.
The Council meeting was attended by eminent Overseas Indians including: Prof. Jagdish Bhagwati, Shri. Karan F. Bilimoria, Shri Swadesh Chatterjee, Ms. Ela Gandhi, Shri Rajat K. Gupta, Lord Khalid Hameed, Dr. Renu Khator, Shri Kishore Mahbubani, Shri PNC Menon, Shri L.N. Mittal, Lord Bhiku Chotalal Parekh, Dr. Sam Pitroda, Tan Sri Dato’ Ajit Singh, Mr. Neville Joseph Roach, Prof. Srinivasa SR Varadhan and Mr. Yusuffali M.A.
The Members of the Council appreciated the initiative of Prime Minister for setting up the Council, and providing a platform for overseas Indian community to share their experience and knowledge for the socio-economic development of India. Members were of the unanimous view that India and its overseas community can and should build a strong, strategic and mutually beneficial partnership. Members shared their views on various aspects such as contributing to social and philanthropic work, education and skill development, collaborating work with the academic and scientific community, developing institutions of excellence, facilitating investments into India, and initiatives for facilitating young overseas Indians to rediscover their roots.
Prime Minister welcomed the ideas and suggestions made by Members of the Council. He said that never before Government of India had brought together on one platform such an exceptional group of eminence and achievements as the Members of the Global Advisory Council. Prime Minister observed that he was confident that India would return to sustained high growth path of 9-10 percent in the coming years. Prime Minister said that the Government would give most careful consideration to all the suggestions made by the Council members, and that he looked forward to sustained dialogue with the Members of the Global Advisory Council in opening new avenues of cooperation between the overseas Indian community and India.
India: FM asks Income Tax Department to Achieve Revised Tax Target
7 Jan 2009
Finance Minister, Shri Pranab Mukherjee has directed the Income Tax Department to make all efforts to achieve the revised direct tax target of Rs.4 lakh crores. Addressing the All India Conference on Tax Deduction at Source (TDS) here today, Shri Mukherjee congratulated the department on reaching tax collection figure of Rs.2.50 lakh crore by December 2009 showing a growth rate of around 8.5%.
In order to achieve the revised target, the field formations may consider of taking steps which include identification of new areas for tax collection; indepth scrutiny of cross-border transactions; regular interactions with the Central Government and other State Government Departments who are responsible for deduction of TDS; monitoring of TDS at the district level where the massive social expenditure and infrastructure expenditure are incurred by the Government; and regular sharing of information amongst the Commissionerates to develop a common data base of new areas explored by each Commissionerate for collection of TDS.
Pointing out that although during the last 5 years the contribution from TDS had gone up from 33% to 38.5% of the net direct tax collection, Shri Mukherjee expected that this high growth rate in TDS collection could be further accelerated. He observed that smaller towns were witnessing greater tax collection due to buoyancy in the economy.
Shri Mukherjee observed that globalization of the Indian economy had created opportunity in terms of a global market for movement of capital, goods, services and human resources as well as greater risk in terms of sophisticated tax planning tools for avoiding tax liabilities in developing countries. In this context the role of tax havens and low tax jurisdictions had become an area of great concern for a country like India, which needed to mobilize resources to attack poverty and illiteracy, he added.
The Finance Minister said that the Indian economy in the aftermath of global financial crisis has started moving in the right direction due to sustained fiscal stimulus provided by the Government in three phases. He expressed his confidence that during this fiscal year a growth rate of more than 7.75% is achievable. It is due to high growth rate of Indian economy and higher quantum of revenue collection, this Government could think of taking bold initiatives like debt relief to the farmers amounting to Rs. 71,000 crores and also massive expenditure on social and infrastructure projects, he added.
The globalization of Indian economy with the rest of the world has created an opportunity as well as threats. The opportunity is in terms of a global market for movements of capital, goods, services and human resources but at the same time it has offered threat in terms of sophisticated tax planning tools for avoiding the tax liabilities in developing countries. The role of tax havens and low tax jurisdictions has become an area of great concern for a country like India which is putting its all acts together to mobilize resources to attack on poverty and illiteracy.
7 Jan 2009
Finance Minister, Shri Pranab Mukherjee has directed the Income Tax Department to make all efforts to achieve the revised direct tax target of Rs.4 lakh crores. Addressing the All India Conference on Tax Deduction at Source (TDS) here today, Shri Mukherjee congratulated the department on reaching tax collection figure of Rs.2.50 lakh crore by December 2009 showing a growth rate of around 8.5%.
In order to achieve the revised target, the field formations may consider of taking steps which include identification of new areas for tax collection; indepth scrutiny of cross-border transactions; regular interactions with the Central Government and other State Government Departments who are responsible for deduction of TDS; monitoring of TDS at the district level where the massive social expenditure and infrastructure expenditure are incurred by the Government; and regular sharing of information amongst the Commissionerates to develop a common data base of new areas explored by each Commissionerate for collection of TDS.
Pointing out that although during the last 5 years the contribution from TDS had gone up from 33% to 38.5% of the net direct tax collection, Shri Mukherjee expected that this high growth rate in TDS collection could be further accelerated. He observed that smaller towns were witnessing greater tax collection due to buoyancy in the economy.
Shri Mukherjee observed that globalization of the Indian economy had created opportunity in terms of a global market for movement of capital, goods, services and human resources as well as greater risk in terms of sophisticated tax planning tools for avoiding tax liabilities in developing countries. In this context the role of tax havens and low tax jurisdictions had become an area of great concern for a country like India, which needed to mobilize resources to attack poverty and illiteracy, he added.
The Finance Minister said that the Indian economy in the aftermath of global financial crisis has started moving in the right direction due to sustained fiscal stimulus provided by the Government in three phases. He expressed his confidence that during this fiscal year a growth rate of more than 7.75% is achievable. It is due to high growth rate of Indian economy and higher quantum of revenue collection, this Government could think of taking bold initiatives like debt relief to the farmers amounting to Rs. 71,000 crores and also massive expenditure on social and infrastructure projects, he added.
The globalization of Indian economy with the rest of the world has created an opportunity as well as threats. The opportunity is in terms of a global market for movements of capital, goods, services and human resources but at the same time it has offered threat in terms of sophisticated tax planning tools for avoiding the tax liabilities in developing countries. The role of tax havens and low tax jurisdictions has become an area of great concern for a country like India which is putting its all acts together to mobilize resources to attack on poverty and illiteracy.
How Nepal sums up the India-China story
Discuss : India or China? Guessing which country is most likely to become the economic powerhouse of the twenty-first century is all the rage these days. Most answers rely on hard facts like GDP, trade statistics or demographics, but we can make as good a guess as any if we ask the Nepalese.
India’s predicament in Nepal illustrates some of the dynamics that will determine the outcome of the competition between India and China. While India was pushed aside and ceased its military aid after King Gyanendra’s palace coup in 2005, the Chinese have moved in to offer military aid and training and have pledged to build a domestic rail network with links through Lhasa to China, Central Asia and Pakistan. In doing so, China offers Nepal the ability to reduce its dependence on India, and to play a more complex version of the India-China game.
India’s counter-diplomacy has come off looking distinctively reactive. It has belatedly offered to resume military assistance and looks set to build rail links into the country (although not a domestic rail network). Indian pressure failed to scupper the Maoist government’s proposal to stop recruitment into the Indian army. Instead, it took popular pressure from Gurkhas dependent on Indian salaries and pensions to change Kath-mandu’s mind.
Nepal’s case illustrates the reality of a larger issue in India-China relations: India’s failure to consolidate and hold the sphere of influence in the Himalayas, Afghanistan and the Gulf that it was bequeathed by the British in 1947. This happened alongside the loss of networks of influence sustained by the policemen, soldiers, labourers and merchants that India had exported to Burma, Ceylon, Malaya, Singapore, Hong Kong and East Africa.
Some of this influence could never have been preserved in a post-imperial world. But the consequences of Nehru’s optimistic timidity over Tibet and the country’s myopic view of Afghanistan and the Gulf were disastrous: India threw away its influence and leverage in a surprisingly short span of time. China got Tibet; Pakistan took up the space left by India in Afghanistan and the Gulf. India only managed to hold on in Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal. India even failed to leverage its crucial role in preserving Tibetan culture in the face of China’s determined campaigns to destroy it in the homeland. India’s record with its own diaspora was equally dispiriting: the idea of nationhood created in the 1950s had no space for overseas Indians, and...
China, as we know, behaved differently. Its links with the diaspora in Southeast Asia remained strong, which led to massive inflows of capital after China began to open up after 1978. Its current round of infrastructure building, aid and investment in Africa, Southeast Asia and even South Asia have outpaced anything that India could aspire to. China clearly has the upper hand.
So, what should India’s next move be? Once again, Nepal may hold an answer. India cannot compete with the generosity of China’s infrastructure spending or the elegance of its solution to Nepal’s dependence on India. But Gurkhas’ desire to keep up their ties with India points to the possibility that cultural ties—and the benefits that come with them— may sometimes trump the politics of infrastructure and promised future development.
Here, too, India has lagged behind. China has set up more than 500 Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms to spread the Chinese language in nearly 90 countries. Despite initial suspicions in some countries about the regime’s intentions, the institutes and classrooms work as freestanding entities run by host institutions. India, in contrast, has set up nine cultural centres associated closely with its diplomatic missions in Asian countries and hopes to set up six more in short order.
India may never match the scale of China’s cultural diplomacy. But it has a legacy of cultural capital that cries out to be deployed in the service of Indian ‘soft power’. For centuries, India sat at the centre of a commercial and cultural ‘Indosphere’ that saw Indian commerce spread to places as diverse as Mombasa, Aden, Baku, Kabul and Malacca; Indian religions, rituals and ideas moulded local belief and practice in Mongolia, Japan, Tibet, China, Bali and Afghanistan. Mughal India produced some of the best writing in a Persian literary sphere that bound together elites from Istanbul to Burma, and India was the heart of Persian-language publishing until the turn of the 20th century. But India has done very little to cultivate, deepen and leverage these associations—so much so that it fell to the government of Iran to spearhead efforts to document, preserve and disseminate India’s Persian heritage.
India missed a chance at a unique and lasting cultural diplomacy with Iran and Central Asia that would have gone beyond well-trodden paths of newspaper libraries, yoga and Hindi. It may yet suffer the same fate in Southeast Asia:...
After 1979, a security-led agenda effectively ended long-standing educational ties that brought large numbers of Muslim students from Malaysia and Indonesia to pursue Islamic higher education in Deoband and Lucknow. Most of them went on to study in Pakistan.
India lost a significant amount of cultural capital as one of the world’s major Muslim countries and a major centre for moderate Islamic education—and a chance to prevent the spread of radical ideas to Southeast Asia and elsewhere.
India may not be able to outflank China with railways, munitions or even Hindi. But a truly smart cultural diplomacy could deepen the lasting ties that would allow it to stay in the game—and sometimes even to win. Just ask the Nepalese.
(The author Jeevan Deol has taught Indian history at Oxford and Cambridge Universities)
Source: The Financial Express
Discuss : India or China? Guessing which country is most likely to become the economic powerhouse of the twenty-first century is all the rage these days. Most answers rely on hard facts like GDP, trade statistics or demographics, but we can make as good a guess as any if we ask the Nepalese.
India’s predicament in Nepal illustrates some of the dynamics that will determine the outcome of the competition between India and China. While India was pushed aside and ceased its military aid after King Gyanendra’s palace coup in 2005, the Chinese have moved in to offer military aid and training and have pledged to build a domestic rail network with links through Lhasa to China, Central Asia and Pakistan. In doing so, China offers Nepal the ability to reduce its dependence on India, and to play a more complex version of the India-China game.
India’s counter-diplomacy has come off looking distinctively reactive. It has belatedly offered to resume military assistance and looks set to build rail links into the country (although not a domestic rail network). Indian pressure failed to scupper the Maoist government’s proposal to stop recruitment into the Indian army. Instead, it took popular pressure from Gurkhas dependent on Indian salaries and pensions to change Kath-mandu’s mind.
Nepal’s case illustrates the reality of a larger issue in India-China relations: India’s failure to consolidate and hold the sphere of influence in the Himalayas, Afghanistan and the Gulf that it was bequeathed by the British in 1947. This happened alongside the loss of networks of influence sustained by the policemen, soldiers, labourers and merchants that India had exported to Burma, Ceylon, Malaya, Singapore, Hong Kong and East Africa.
Some of this influence could never have been preserved in a post-imperial world. But the consequences of Nehru’s optimistic timidity over Tibet and the country’s myopic view of Afghanistan and the Gulf were disastrous: India threw away its influence and leverage in a surprisingly short span of time. China got Tibet; Pakistan took up the space left by India in Afghanistan and the Gulf. India only managed to hold on in Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal. India even failed to leverage its crucial role in preserving Tibetan culture in the face of China’s determined campaigns to destroy it in the homeland. India’s record with its own diaspora was equally dispiriting: the idea of nationhood created in the 1950s had no space for overseas Indians, and...
China, as we know, behaved differently. Its links with the diaspora in Southeast Asia remained strong, which led to massive inflows of capital after China began to open up after 1978. Its current round of infrastructure building, aid and investment in Africa, Southeast Asia and even South Asia have outpaced anything that India could aspire to. China clearly has the upper hand.
So, what should India’s next move be? Once again, Nepal may hold an answer. India cannot compete with the generosity of China’s infrastructure spending or the elegance of its solution to Nepal’s dependence on India. But Gurkhas’ desire to keep up their ties with India points to the possibility that cultural ties—and the benefits that come with them— may sometimes trump the politics of infrastructure and promised future development.
Here, too, India has lagged behind. China has set up more than 500 Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms to spread the Chinese language in nearly 90 countries. Despite initial suspicions in some countries about the regime’s intentions, the institutes and classrooms work as freestanding entities run by host institutions. India, in contrast, has set up nine cultural centres associated closely with its diplomatic missions in Asian countries and hopes to set up six more in short order.
India may never match the scale of China’s cultural diplomacy. But it has a legacy of cultural capital that cries out to be deployed in the service of Indian ‘soft power’. For centuries, India sat at the centre of a commercial and cultural ‘Indosphere’ that saw Indian commerce spread to places as diverse as Mombasa, Aden, Baku, Kabul and Malacca; Indian religions, rituals and ideas moulded local belief and practice in Mongolia, Japan, Tibet, China, Bali and Afghanistan. Mughal India produced some of the best writing in a Persian literary sphere that bound together elites from Istanbul to Burma, and India was the heart of Persian-language publishing until the turn of the 20th century. But India has done very little to cultivate, deepen and leverage these associations—so much so that it fell to the government of Iran to spearhead efforts to document, preserve and disseminate India’s Persian heritage.
India missed a chance at a unique and lasting cultural diplomacy with Iran and Central Asia that would have gone beyond well-trodden paths of newspaper libraries, yoga and Hindi. It may yet suffer the same fate in Southeast Asia:...
After 1979, a security-led agenda effectively ended long-standing educational ties that brought large numbers of Muslim students from Malaysia and Indonesia to pursue Islamic higher education in Deoband and Lucknow. Most of them went on to study in Pakistan.
India lost a significant amount of cultural capital as one of the world’s major Muslim countries and a major centre for moderate Islamic education—and a chance to prevent the spread of radical ideas to Southeast Asia and elsewhere.
India may not be able to outflank China with railways, munitions or even Hindi. But a truly smart cultural diplomacy could deepen the lasting ties that would allow it to stay in the game—and sometimes even to win. Just ask the Nepalese.
(The author Jeevan Deol has taught Indian history at Oxford and Cambridge Universities)
Source: The Financial Express
Friday, January 8, 2010
Sikkim Chief Minister discussed and placed lists of grievances to Prime Minister
07 January, New Delhi: Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Kumar Chamling is presently on his official visit to New Delhi. On Thursday he met with the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, on behalf of the people of Sikkim and in personal Chief Minister conveyed warmest New Year greetings to Prime Minister.
In chaired discussion the Chief Minister placed the present scenario of the state developmental works, centrally funded schemes progress, security etc. Chief Minister extended his warmest thanks towards the Prime Minister for his immense support for upliftment of small and progressive state like Sikkim, as told in report. Chief Minister also discussed about the horrible situation of lifeline of Sikkim highway NH31 A which frequently cuts off affecting the socio-economic lives of people as well which continuously hampers tourism sector, information about which Prime Minister too was aware in details. Chief Minister emphasised on laying double lane highway for better transportation and coverage for Sikkim with rest of the country and also reroute alternative highway which can be beneficial during the closure of highway NH31 A due to storming bandhs or natural calamities. The discussion parameter was primarily focussed for delivering Sikkim’s better mobility with the national channels and smooth functioning of various developmental works. Sikkim being place of fruitful water resources, the river water sources can be tamed for revenue generation, with the use of 80% of available water resources in this regard 5000MW of electricity could be generated said Chief Minister to the prime Minister. Chief Minister discussed about the growing fame, name of Sikkim Tourism in the world popularly due to the calm, peaceful and eco-friendly atmosphere of the hill state. The upcoming Green Field Airport at Pakyong was also told to the Prime Minister and further more suited projects which may be beneficial economically to Sikkim was also discussed for incorporating in future. Chief Minister while briefing about under construction Rangpo-Sevok Railway line made his appeal for further extending the railway circuit till Gangtok.
The seat reservation in Vidhan Sabha for backward classified tribal Limboo-Tamang should be immediately considered and implemented, the Chief Minister requested to the Prime Minister.
Also the IT exemption for Old Settlers Business Community of Sikkim was urged by the Chief Minister.
The interval of meeting between the two leaders lasted for an hour which could clearly be seen as vital and convincing from both the ends.
Prime Minister took a serious note of all the situations and gave an assurance to take up the every point positively from the Central Government side as well as look into the grievances placed by the Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Kumar Chamling in priority berth, as told in the report.
Prime Minister appreciated the quality and growth of Sikkim under Chamling governance and the people should take a privilege of all assistance provided by centre, he also wished the people of Sikkim to streamline towards the progressive and responsible citizen.
Concluding the talks, the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh made his interest in visiting Sikkim immediately after a 2010 Parliamentary Budget Session. The overall interactive session between the Chief Minister and the Prime Minister lasted unexpectedly longer this which could also be analyzed that some difference will be felt within the coming time for Sikkim’s prosperity and betterment.
source:Voice of Sikkim and IPR
07 January, New Delhi: Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Kumar Chamling is presently on his official visit to New Delhi. On Thursday he met with the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, on behalf of the people of Sikkim and in personal Chief Minister conveyed warmest New Year greetings to Prime Minister.
In chaired discussion the Chief Minister placed the present scenario of the state developmental works, centrally funded schemes progress, security etc. Chief Minister extended his warmest thanks towards the Prime Minister for his immense support for upliftment of small and progressive state like Sikkim, as told in report. Chief Minister also discussed about the horrible situation of lifeline of Sikkim highway NH31 A which frequently cuts off affecting the socio-economic lives of people as well which continuously hampers tourism sector, information about which Prime Minister too was aware in details. Chief Minister emphasised on laying double lane highway for better transportation and coverage for Sikkim with rest of the country and also reroute alternative highway which can be beneficial during the closure of highway NH31 A due to storming bandhs or natural calamities. The discussion parameter was primarily focussed for delivering Sikkim’s better mobility with the national channels and smooth functioning of various developmental works. Sikkim being place of fruitful water resources, the river water sources can be tamed for revenue generation, with the use of 80% of available water resources in this regard 5000MW of electricity could be generated said Chief Minister to the prime Minister. Chief Minister discussed about the growing fame, name of Sikkim Tourism in the world popularly due to the calm, peaceful and eco-friendly atmosphere of the hill state. The upcoming Green Field Airport at Pakyong was also told to the Prime Minister and further more suited projects which may be beneficial economically to Sikkim was also discussed for incorporating in future. Chief Minister while briefing about under construction Rangpo-Sevok Railway line made his appeal for further extending the railway circuit till Gangtok.
The seat reservation in Vidhan Sabha for backward classified tribal Limboo-Tamang should be immediately considered and implemented, the Chief Minister requested to the Prime Minister.
Also the IT exemption for Old Settlers Business Community of Sikkim was urged by the Chief Minister.
The interval of meeting between the two leaders lasted for an hour which could clearly be seen as vital and convincing from both the ends.
Prime Minister took a serious note of all the situations and gave an assurance to take up the every point positively from the Central Government side as well as look into the grievances placed by the Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Kumar Chamling in priority berth, as told in the report.
Prime Minister appreciated the quality and growth of Sikkim under Chamling governance and the people should take a privilege of all assistance provided by centre, he also wished the people of Sikkim to streamline towards the progressive and responsible citizen.
Concluding the talks, the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh made his interest in visiting Sikkim immediately after a 2010 Parliamentary Budget Session. The overall interactive session between the Chief Minister and the Prime Minister lasted unexpectedly longer this which could also be analyzed that some difference will be felt within the coming time for Sikkim’s prosperity and betterment.
source:Voice of Sikkim and IPR
Each pound at birth lowers risk of TB
The more a newborn weighs, the better its chances of being protected from tuberculosis (TB), according to a new study that says that every pound decreases the risk of developing the disease later in life.
University of Michigan (U-M) researchers looked at how much protection additional birth weight adds against developing TB years later.
They found that every 1.1 pound of birth weight decreases the risk of developing TB later by 46 percent among identical twins.
The findings are important because TB infects about a third of the planet’s population, and is second only to HIV in deaths caused by a single infection.
The link between birth weight and developing TB is much stronger for males than females, who are only about 16 percent less likely to develop TB for every 1.1 pound (500 grams) of birth weight, said Eduardo Villamor, study author.
Villamor, associate professor at the U-M School of Public Health, said the risk decreased by 87 percent for infant males with each pound.
Low birth weight of babies is a larger problem in developing countries, but it occurs everywhere, he said, according to a U-M release.
Villamor worked with colleagues at the Karolinska Institute in Sweden and began the research while at Harvard.
The more a newborn weighs, the better its chances of being protected from tuberculosis (TB), according to a new study that says that every pound decreases the risk of developing the disease later in life.
University of Michigan (U-M) researchers looked at how much protection additional birth weight adds against developing TB years later.
They found that every 1.1 pound of birth weight decreases the risk of developing TB later by 46 percent among identical twins.
The findings are important because TB infects about a third of the planet’s population, and is second only to HIV in deaths caused by a single infection.
The link between birth weight and developing TB is much stronger for males than females, who are only about 16 percent less likely to develop TB for every 1.1 pound (500 grams) of birth weight, said Eduardo Villamor, study author.
Villamor, associate professor at the U-M School of Public Health, said the risk decreased by 87 percent for infant males with each pound.
Low birth weight of babies is a larger problem in developing countries, but it occurs everywhere, he said, according to a U-M release.
Villamor worked with colleagues at the Karolinska Institute in Sweden and began the research while at Harvard.
Solar system more compact than thought: scientists
The solar system may be significantly more compact than previously thought, American scientists have claimed.
Astronomers at the University of Washington in Seattle have developed a computer simulation of the cloud of comets that enshrouds the solar system.
The work suggests the cloud may not contain as much material as once suspected, which could resolve a long-standing problem in models of how the planets formed.
Long—period comets, which take longer than 200 years to orbit the sun, come from all directions in the sky, an observation that has long led scientists to believe that they were nudged out of a diffuse halo of icy objects or the Oort Cloud that is surrounding the solar system.
The objects probably formed from the same disc of material that gave rise to the planets but were scattered outwards by Jupiter and Saturn a few hundred million years after their birth, the New Scientist reported.
“There may not be nearly as much stuff as far out as we thought,” says Nathan Kaib, who presented the findings at an American Astronomical Society meeting recently.
Mr. Kaib said, “The region of the Oort Cloud that is not supposed to produce any comets may be the dominant producer of comets.”
Keywords: Solar System, Long-period comets, Oort Cloud
The solar system may be significantly more compact than previously thought, American scientists have claimed.
Astronomers at the University of Washington in Seattle have developed a computer simulation of the cloud of comets that enshrouds the solar system.
The work suggests the cloud may not contain as much material as once suspected, which could resolve a long-standing problem in models of how the planets formed.
Long—period comets, which take longer than 200 years to orbit the sun, come from all directions in the sky, an observation that has long led scientists to believe that they were nudged out of a diffuse halo of icy objects or the Oort Cloud that is surrounding the solar system.
The objects probably formed from the same disc of material that gave rise to the planets but were scattered outwards by Jupiter and Saturn a few hundred million years after their birth, the New Scientist reported.
“There may not be nearly as much stuff as far out as we thought,” says Nathan Kaib, who presented the findings at an American Astronomical Society meeting recently.
Mr. Kaib said, “The region of the Oort Cloud that is not supposed to produce any comets may be the dominant producer of comets.”
Keywords: Solar System, Long-period comets, Oort Cloud
INDIA: Handique inaugurates 5th North East Business Summit
82,000 crores invested in three years by Union Govt.
7 Jan 2009
The Minister of Mines and Minister of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER), Shri B.K. Handique has said that in the last ten years, there has been a sustained effort on the part of Government to invest in the physical infrastructure of the Region, particularly in expanding the road, rail, air, power and telecommunications connectivity. Inaugurating the 5th North East Business Summit in Kolkata today, he said that within the first three years of 11th Plan over Rs.82000 Crore, equivalent to about 18 billion US Dollars, has already been spent in the region by the Central Government. However, during the same period, the private investment has been almost negligible.
On the occasion, Shri Handique informed that Investment by the Central Government in the North Eastern Region during the 10th Plan was about Rs. 80,000 crore.
The two-day Business Summit has been jointly organized by the Indian Chambers of Commerce in association with the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region.
The Summit will focus on the
Building International Partnerships,
Enhancing Infrastructure in the North East,
Tourism: Horizons of Heaven,
Agriculture : Spices, Floriculture and Aqua Culture,
Healthcare,
IT & Skill Development and Developing Investment Hubs.
A Chief Ministers’ Conclave will also be held to discuss the Perspective and Strategies for the Development of North Eastern Region.
Following is the text of the speech made by the Minister of Mines and DoNER at the inauguration the 5th North East Business Summit on 8th January 2010 at Kolkata:
1. It gives me a great pleasure to be a part of the Fifth North East Business Summit in Kolkata, a city of great significance to the States of the NE Region. The Summit provides an opportunity to the private and public sector to interact with each other.
2. I take this opportunity to compliment the Indian Chamber of Commerce for taking the lead in organizing this event. I would also like to thank the State Governments, Central Ministries and Departments, Public sector undertakings and others who have co-operated in this venture to make it a grand success.
3. The North Eastern Region is rich in natural and human resources. It is a treasure trove of diverse flora and fauna, a veritable paradise for those who seek to be close to nature. But this is not the end of the story. At one time, the second highest export earner for the country – tea – was, and still is, synonymous with this region. There are other areas waiting to be fully exploited. Unfortunately, the partition of 1947 brought in its wake an economical decline and a geographical disconnect. This situation so pervades the minds of investors that very often a factual picture gets clouded.
4. However, it is time for all the concerned to take cognizance of the change in the character of the market so as to make corresponding changes in the orientation and approach to the potential business in the North East Region as well.
5. We, in the Government, have realized that new frontiers for development of the region in the offing in the hither to unknown sectors in the Region. These include development of natural resources including horticulture, floriculture and mineral resources. In fact, in the month of November 2009, an investor meet for mineral sector for the region was successfully held at Guwahati.
6. In the last ten years, there has been a sustained effort on the part of Government of India to invest in the physical infrastructure of the Region, particularly in expanding the road, rail, air, power and telecommunications connectivity.
7. Investment by the Central Government in the North Eastern Region during the 10th Plan was about Rs. 80,000 crore. Under the leadership of our respected Prime Minister, Dr Man Mohan Singhji and under the able guidance fo Smt Sonia Gandhiji, I am happy to state that within the first three years of 11th Plan over Rs.82000 Crore, equivalent to about 18 billion US Dollars, has already been spent in the region by the Central Government. However, during the same period the private investment has been almost negligible.
8. As I stated earlier, the change in the market character has been recoginized by the Government. Therefore, the Central Government has taken steps to commission Gas Cracker and Polymer Project near Dibrugarh, Assam by April 2012 with an investment of Rs 5460 Crore. This Project will produce 2.2 lakh tonnes of Poly Ethylene, 60, 000 tonnes of Poly Propylene and 2.8 lakh tonnes of Polymer per annum unleashing potential for large number of downstream industries in the Region.
9. Further, the aggressive Look East Policy of the Government would enable opening of more trade routes to the neighbouring countries. A case in the point is Kaladan Multi Modal Transport project. Through this project, the land-locked Region would get access to Bay of Bengal through Sittwe port in Myanmar. This Port is connected through Kaladan River which in turn lead to Aizwal in Mizoram by Road. The work in this regard has already commenced by the Ministry of External Affairs.
10. Efforts are also on to increase the air connectivity to the Region from rest of the country and more particularly, within the Region. The Central Government has already unfolded the agenda to connect all capitals of the NE States with rail heads along with extending and improving all National Highways including an ambitious Trans-Arunachal.
11. Let me also mention that the economy of this region post liberalisation of early 1990’s has grown manifold, which is very often forgotten in comparing the North East States with rest of India. In fact, the statistics reveal that the GSDP growth rates of Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura are actually above the national growth rate.
12. There has been substantial improvement in the eradication of poverty in absolute numbers- States which record very high in this aspect are Sikkim, Tripura, Meghalaya and, which might come as a surprise to many, even Assam.
13. The floricultural & horticultural wealth of this region is well known. What is perhaps less well known is that this region has large reserves of oil and gas, limestone, coal, chromite, sillimanite, dolomite, glass sand and other industrial minerals. The GSI is yet to survey this region exhaustively. Gold and Silver are said to have been extracted from the placer deposits abundantly found in the major rivers of the region namely the Subansiri, the Bharoli, the Dosio and the Janglupani during the reign of Ahom Kings.
14. The social parameters also present an unexpectedly, to many of the investors, bright picture. Health and education in terms of longevity and literacy rate etc. in the North Eastern Region are much higher than the rest of India. Further, anyone who travels to the region is well aware that gender equality is a way of life.
15. The result has been that the composition of Gross State Domestic Product for the North Eastern States is still characterized by the dominance of Primary (agriculture) sector. In the last decade, there has been some growth in the Tertiary Sector largely a result of governmental spending. The secondary sector (manufacturer) etc. has remained virtually stagnant.
16. We have collectively failed to convert the natural advantages and the public investment into an economic opportunity. Perhaps the reasons are primarily -
(i) The perception of NER as being ridden with insurgency, militancy and terrorism. This perception is completely at variance with ground realities. What is required is the appreciation of a true and more nuanced picture of the vast swathes in NER of total peace and tranquillity, impeccable law and order, and iron-clad security. Unless this is fully imbibed, we will not succeed in attracting the requisite investment in all sectors of the NER economy. In this connection, I would request the members of this august gathering to travel beyond a few big cities to see and experience themselves the ground situation.
(ii) Secondly, perhaps in the planning, locating, or implementation of schemes in NER, we need to have greater understanding of their commercial viabilities if we expect them to become precursors to economic development.
17. This is a task which cannot be performed by Governments alone. The role of the private sectors and the civil society including the Fourth Estate cannot be underestimated.
18. I now come to very positive trends that are bringing about a perceptible social and economic transformation.
19. The private sector has been playing some role in skill building and enhancing employability of the young people – but this is mostly done by taking the people outside this region. Today the most public face of the service sector in the country’s capital and other metros is the N.E. face from front desk to service assistance. I welcome this step – it is ushering in and will continue to generate greater cohesion in society – but the need of the hour is to bring in entrepreneurial skill within this region to fuel its own growth.
20. North-Eastern region is a market itself waiting to be discovered. Nearly 4 crores of people of the NER viewed concurrently as ‘consumers’ of various goods and services can drive its on economic growth. It can be done – if only the various public & private stakeholders put together appropriate policy framework, financial mechanism and entrepreneurial abilities.
21. I assure you, my friends, as a person coming from this region, the people will not be found wanting in their ability to learn & dedicate themselves to become co-builders of a new era of peace and prosperity.
22. Before I conclude, I would like to thank all the delegates who have made it possible to attend this Summit. I also thank Indian Chamber of Commerce for all their sincerity in organizing this Summit in association with my Ministry of Development of North East Region.
82,000 crores invested in three years by Union Govt.
7 Jan 2009
The Minister of Mines and Minister of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER), Shri B.K. Handique has said that in the last ten years, there has been a sustained effort on the part of Government to invest in the physical infrastructure of the Region, particularly in expanding the road, rail, air, power and telecommunications connectivity. Inaugurating the 5th North East Business Summit in Kolkata today, he said that within the first three years of 11th Plan over Rs.82000 Crore, equivalent to about 18 billion US Dollars, has already been spent in the region by the Central Government. However, during the same period, the private investment has been almost negligible.
On the occasion, Shri Handique informed that Investment by the Central Government in the North Eastern Region during the 10th Plan was about Rs. 80,000 crore.
The two-day Business Summit has been jointly organized by the Indian Chambers of Commerce in association with the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region.
The Summit will focus on the
Building International Partnerships,
Enhancing Infrastructure in the North East,
Tourism: Horizons of Heaven,
Agriculture : Spices, Floriculture and Aqua Culture,
Healthcare,
IT & Skill Development and Developing Investment Hubs.
A Chief Ministers’ Conclave will also be held to discuss the Perspective and Strategies for the Development of North Eastern Region.
Following is the text of the speech made by the Minister of Mines and DoNER at the inauguration the 5th North East Business Summit on 8th January 2010 at Kolkata:
1. It gives me a great pleasure to be a part of the Fifth North East Business Summit in Kolkata, a city of great significance to the States of the NE Region. The Summit provides an opportunity to the private and public sector to interact with each other.
2. I take this opportunity to compliment the Indian Chamber of Commerce for taking the lead in organizing this event. I would also like to thank the State Governments, Central Ministries and Departments, Public sector undertakings and others who have co-operated in this venture to make it a grand success.
3. The North Eastern Region is rich in natural and human resources. It is a treasure trove of diverse flora and fauna, a veritable paradise for those who seek to be close to nature. But this is not the end of the story. At one time, the second highest export earner for the country – tea – was, and still is, synonymous with this region. There are other areas waiting to be fully exploited. Unfortunately, the partition of 1947 brought in its wake an economical decline and a geographical disconnect. This situation so pervades the minds of investors that very often a factual picture gets clouded.
4. However, it is time for all the concerned to take cognizance of the change in the character of the market so as to make corresponding changes in the orientation and approach to the potential business in the North East Region as well.
5. We, in the Government, have realized that new frontiers for development of the region in the offing in the hither to unknown sectors in the Region. These include development of natural resources including horticulture, floriculture and mineral resources. In fact, in the month of November 2009, an investor meet for mineral sector for the region was successfully held at Guwahati.
6. In the last ten years, there has been a sustained effort on the part of Government of India to invest in the physical infrastructure of the Region, particularly in expanding the road, rail, air, power and telecommunications connectivity.
7. Investment by the Central Government in the North Eastern Region during the 10th Plan was about Rs. 80,000 crore. Under the leadership of our respected Prime Minister, Dr Man Mohan Singhji and under the able guidance fo Smt Sonia Gandhiji, I am happy to state that within the first three years of 11th Plan over Rs.82000 Crore, equivalent to about 18 billion US Dollars, has already been spent in the region by the Central Government. However, during the same period the private investment has been almost negligible.
8. As I stated earlier, the change in the market character has been recoginized by the Government. Therefore, the Central Government has taken steps to commission Gas Cracker and Polymer Project near Dibrugarh, Assam by April 2012 with an investment of Rs 5460 Crore. This Project will produce 2.2 lakh tonnes of Poly Ethylene, 60, 000 tonnes of Poly Propylene and 2.8 lakh tonnes of Polymer per annum unleashing potential for large number of downstream industries in the Region.
9. Further, the aggressive Look East Policy of the Government would enable opening of more trade routes to the neighbouring countries. A case in the point is Kaladan Multi Modal Transport project. Through this project, the land-locked Region would get access to Bay of Bengal through Sittwe port in Myanmar. This Port is connected through Kaladan River which in turn lead to Aizwal in Mizoram by Road. The work in this regard has already commenced by the Ministry of External Affairs.
10. Efforts are also on to increase the air connectivity to the Region from rest of the country and more particularly, within the Region. The Central Government has already unfolded the agenda to connect all capitals of the NE States with rail heads along with extending and improving all National Highways including an ambitious Trans-Arunachal.
11. Let me also mention that the economy of this region post liberalisation of early 1990’s has grown manifold, which is very often forgotten in comparing the North East States with rest of India. In fact, the statistics reveal that the GSDP growth rates of Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura are actually above the national growth rate.
12. There has been substantial improvement in the eradication of poverty in absolute numbers- States which record very high in this aspect are Sikkim, Tripura, Meghalaya and, which might come as a surprise to many, even Assam.
13. The floricultural & horticultural wealth of this region is well known. What is perhaps less well known is that this region has large reserves of oil and gas, limestone, coal, chromite, sillimanite, dolomite, glass sand and other industrial minerals. The GSI is yet to survey this region exhaustively. Gold and Silver are said to have been extracted from the placer deposits abundantly found in the major rivers of the region namely the Subansiri, the Bharoli, the Dosio and the Janglupani during the reign of Ahom Kings.
14. The social parameters also present an unexpectedly, to many of the investors, bright picture. Health and education in terms of longevity and literacy rate etc. in the North Eastern Region are much higher than the rest of India. Further, anyone who travels to the region is well aware that gender equality is a way of life.
15. The result has been that the composition of Gross State Domestic Product for the North Eastern States is still characterized by the dominance of Primary (agriculture) sector. In the last decade, there has been some growth in the Tertiary Sector largely a result of governmental spending. The secondary sector (manufacturer) etc. has remained virtually stagnant.
16. We have collectively failed to convert the natural advantages and the public investment into an economic opportunity. Perhaps the reasons are primarily -
(i) The perception of NER as being ridden with insurgency, militancy and terrorism. This perception is completely at variance with ground realities. What is required is the appreciation of a true and more nuanced picture of the vast swathes in NER of total peace and tranquillity, impeccable law and order, and iron-clad security. Unless this is fully imbibed, we will not succeed in attracting the requisite investment in all sectors of the NER economy. In this connection, I would request the members of this august gathering to travel beyond a few big cities to see and experience themselves the ground situation.
(ii) Secondly, perhaps in the planning, locating, or implementation of schemes in NER, we need to have greater understanding of their commercial viabilities if we expect them to become precursors to economic development.
17. This is a task which cannot be performed by Governments alone. The role of the private sectors and the civil society including the Fourth Estate cannot be underestimated.
18. I now come to very positive trends that are bringing about a perceptible social and economic transformation.
19. The private sector has been playing some role in skill building and enhancing employability of the young people – but this is mostly done by taking the people outside this region. Today the most public face of the service sector in the country’s capital and other metros is the N.E. face from front desk to service assistance. I welcome this step – it is ushering in and will continue to generate greater cohesion in society – but the need of the hour is to bring in entrepreneurial skill within this region to fuel its own growth.
20. North-Eastern region is a market itself waiting to be discovered. Nearly 4 crores of people of the NER viewed concurrently as ‘consumers’ of various goods and services can drive its on economic growth. It can be done – if only the various public & private stakeholders put together appropriate policy framework, financial mechanism and entrepreneurial abilities.
21. I assure you, my friends, as a person coming from this region, the people will not be found wanting in their ability to learn & dedicate themselves to become co-builders of a new era of peace and prosperity.
22. Before I conclude, I would like to thank all the delegates who have made it possible to attend this Summit. I also thank Indian Chamber of Commerce for all their sincerity in organizing this Summit in association with my Ministry of Development of North East Region.
INDIA: PM inaugurates 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas
7 jAN 2009
The Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, inaugurated the 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in New Delhi today. Following is the text of the Prime Minister’s inaugural address:
“It gives me very great pleasure to join you at the inauguration of the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas 2010. Every year on this day we celebrate and honour the contribution of the overseas Indians is making for the development of their spiritual and ancestral home. We are immensely proud of the achievements of our diaspora. Your achievements have made a great contribution in changing the image of India to the world at large. Let me therefore join Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs and the Chief Minister of Delhi to welcome you to New Delhi and wish you a very happy New Year.
This year we have the great honour and privilege of having the distinguished Lord Khalid Hameed as our Chief Guest. Lord Khalid Hameed epitomizes the spirit of the global Indian. He is not only a very distinguished professional and entrepreneur in the field of medicine and healthcare but he is also an active leader in community services, including most importantly those that promote inter-faith harmony. It is our privilege Sir to have you as the Chief Guest this year. I extend a very warm welcome to you Sir and I thank you for immense thought provoking address on inter-faith harmony.
Yesterday, we held the first meeting of the Prime Minister’s Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians. Some of the best and brightest men and women working in different parts of the world in various fields happen to be people of Indian origin. This is a tremendous knowledge pool and we would like the Council to reflect on where India should be heading in the next 20 years and what we should do in government, in business, in education and in arts and culture and in promoting inter-faith harmony to get where we ought to be 20 years from now. I would like to acknowledge the presence of the Members of this Council and I thank them for their time and effort in a very valuable cause.
The year gone by was an eventful year for India. We undertook the largest democratic exercise in the world during the general elections that were held in May, 2009. These elections reinforced the values of pluralism, tolerance and secularism that are a defining ethic of Indians, whether living in India or abroad.
I recognize the legitimate desire of Indians living abroad to exercise their franchise and to have a say in who governs India. We are working on this issue and I sincerely hope that they will get a chance to vote by the time of the next regular general elections. In fact, I would go a step further and ask why more overseas Indians should not return home to join politics and public life as they are increasingly doing in business and academia.
We are all legitimately proud of India’s vibrant democracy. But I cannot say that we have delivered in full measure on the enormous promise and potential of our country. I recognize the frustration well wishers feel when they lament why things don’t work faster or why well formulated plans and policies don’t get implemented as well as they should be.
It is probably true that we are a slow moving elephant but it is equally true that with each step forward we leave behind a deep imprint. There is a price that we pay in trying to carry all sections of our people along in national development. It is perhaps a price worth paying. Each citizen should feel that his or her voice is heard and have a sense of participation in national development. This is the only way we know to accommodate the enormous diversity of opinions and interests in our country. It is also this characteristic that makes our democracy so vibrant.
But underlying our system is an inherent political and economic resilience that gives our country and its institutions great strength and buoyancy. During the year gone by, the world faced an unprecedented economic and financial crisis. But the Indian economy weathered the crisis quite well. We were affected but no so much as many other countries. We hope to achieve this year a growth rate of around 7%, which is one of the fastest in the world. We are equally optimistic that we can return to and sustain an annual growth rate of 9-10% in a couple of years.
The rapid growth of India’s economy in the last few years has helped lift millions of people out of poverty. We have been able to expand access to education, healthcare and economic opportunities to a vast majority of our population. This is, however, a work in progress and much more remains to be done. I solicit your assistance to achieve those goals. We wish to accelerate the efforts to effectively address the key constraints in the areas of infrastructure, agriculture, health and education. These are the key priorities for the second term of our government.
We seek the active involvement of the overseas Indian communities in accelerating the pace of our economic and social development. In this context, it is important that we make efforts to connect the second generation of overseas Indians with their ancestral heritage and involve them actively in India’s march forward.
India is today one of the top investment destinations. Economic opportunities are expanding everywhere. Overseas Indians however, while being good savers tend to be somewhat conservative investors. Most remittances are placed in bank deposits. Foreign Direct Investment in India by overseas Indians is low and far short of potential. I would urge overseas Indians to take a careful look at long-term investment opportunities now on the horizon in our country.
Indian industry is rapidly developing a global orientation. Many Indian companies are transforming themselves into multinational corporations with global brand names. As Indian industry steps outward, the Indian diaspora could do more to inter-link Indian industry with global markets. They could reinforce the improving brand image of India. I sincerely hope that the newly established Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre will become an effective hub for promoting two-way interaction between the overseas Indian community and our institutions.
About forty percent of the total remittances of over 50 billion US dollars in 2007-2008 came from skilled and semi-skilled overseas Indian workers. The security of our overseas workers and students is a top priority of tmy government. Many of them have been badly affected by the economic crisis. We are conscious of the need to structure an appropriate ‘Return and Resettlement Fund’ and we are working on a project to provide a social security safety net for the returning workers.
We have been negotiating with the governments of countries with large emigrant Indian populations to improve the welfare and protection offered to our workers. Over the last year, we have signed labour agreements with Malaysia, Bahrain and Qatar that create institutional frameworks to look into issues such as recruitment, terms of employment and workers’ welfare. We also signed social security agreements last year with Switzerland, Luxembourg and the Netherlands and are now negotiating such agreements with a number of other countries.
The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs has also established the ‘Indian Community Welfare Fund’ in 18 countries in which there is a significant overseas Indian workforce. These funds support ‘on-site’ welfare measures including food, shelter, repatriation assistance and emergency relief to overseas Indians in distress.
In the coming years, India will need to invest much more in building physical, social and human capital. We must together position India as a supplier of skilled and trained manpower across a wide spectrum of skill sets and sectors. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs is already collaborating with Indian Industry and the state governments in this effort. We would like to benefit from the services of overseas Indian professionals and volunteers to help Indian workers upgrade skills in specific trade where there is growing demand. At the meeting of the Council yesterday some very valuable suggestions were made to upgrade the quality of higher education system in our country.
We are now working to enhance work opportunities for our skilled manpower particularly in the west. We are trying to build labour mobility partnerships with key countries in the European Union and have finalized one such partnership with Denmark. These agreements will help to maximize benefits from labour mobility while addressing host country concerns such as irregular migration and integration problems.
We live in an increasingly integrated world; a very fast changing world. In our lifetime we have seen India walk with greater confidence and ability. In the lifetime of our children we would want them to see the India of our and their dreams - an India that lives up to the expectations of those who struggled to make it free and those who toil to take it forward and an India that wishes to live in peace, as it seeks prosperity for all.
As India seeks to realize its destiny in the 21st century, our engagement with the world draws its spiritual motivations from the values of our freedom struggle and our cultural and spiritual heritage. I end with a thought from Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore who once observed:
‘For us the highest purpose of this world is not merely living in it, knowing it and making use of it, but realizing our ownselves in it through expansion of sympathy; not alienating ourselves from it and dominating it, but comprehending and uniting it with ourselves in perfect union’.”
7 jAN 2009
The Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, inaugurated the 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in New Delhi today. Following is the text of the Prime Minister’s inaugural address:
“It gives me very great pleasure to join you at the inauguration of the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas 2010. Every year on this day we celebrate and honour the contribution of the overseas Indians is making for the development of their spiritual and ancestral home. We are immensely proud of the achievements of our diaspora. Your achievements have made a great contribution in changing the image of India to the world at large. Let me therefore join Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs and the Chief Minister of Delhi to welcome you to New Delhi and wish you a very happy New Year.
This year we have the great honour and privilege of having the distinguished Lord Khalid Hameed as our Chief Guest. Lord Khalid Hameed epitomizes the spirit of the global Indian. He is not only a very distinguished professional and entrepreneur in the field of medicine and healthcare but he is also an active leader in community services, including most importantly those that promote inter-faith harmony. It is our privilege Sir to have you as the Chief Guest this year. I extend a very warm welcome to you Sir and I thank you for immense thought provoking address on inter-faith harmony.
Yesterday, we held the first meeting of the Prime Minister’s Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians. Some of the best and brightest men and women working in different parts of the world in various fields happen to be people of Indian origin. This is a tremendous knowledge pool and we would like the Council to reflect on where India should be heading in the next 20 years and what we should do in government, in business, in education and in arts and culture and in promoting inter-faith harmony to get where we ought to be 20 years from now. I would like to acknowledge the presence of the Members of this Council and I thank them for their time and effort in a very valuable cause.
The year gone by was an eventful year for India. We undertook the largest democratic exercise in the world during the general elections that were held in May, 2009. These elections reinforced the values of pluralism, tolerance and secularism that are a defining ethic of Indians, whether living in India or abroad.
I recognize the legitimate desire of Indians living abroad to exercise their franchise and to have a say in who governs India. We are working on this issue and I sincerely hope that they will get a chance to vote by the time of the next regular general elections. In fact, I would go a step further and ask why more overseas Indians should not return home to join politics and public life as they are increasingly doing in business and academia.
We are all legitimately proud of India’s vibrant democracy. But I cannot say that we have delivered in full measure on the enormous promise and potential of our country. I recognize the frustration well wishers feel when they lament why things don’t work faster or why well formulated plans and policies don’t get implemented as well as they should be.
It is probably true that we are a slow moving elephant but it is equally true that with each step forward we leave behind a deep imprint. There is a price that we pay in trying to carry all sections of our people along in national development. It is perhaps a price worth paying. Each citizen should feel that his or her voice is heard and have a sense of participation in national development. This is the only way we know to accommodate the enormous diversity of opinions and interests in our country. It is also this characteristic that makes our democracy so vibrant.
But underlying our system is an inherent political and economic resilience that gives our country and its institutions great strength and buoyancy. During the year gone by, the world faced an unprecedented economic and financial crisis. But the Indian economy weathered the crisis quite well. We were affected but no so much as many other countries. We hope to achieve this year a growth rate of around 7%, which is one of the fastest in the world. We are equally optimistic that we can return to and sustain an annual growth rate of 9-10% in a couple of years.
The rapid growth of India’s economy in the last few years has helped lift millions of people out of poverty. We have been able to expand access to education, healthcare and economic opportunities to a vast majority of our population. This is, however, a work in progress and much more remains to be done. I solicit your assistance to achieve those goals. We wish to accelerate the efforts to effectively address the key constraints in the areas of infrastructure, agriculture, health and education. These are the key priorities for the second term of our government.
We seek the active involvement of the overseas Indian communities in accelerating the pace of our economic and social development. In this context, it is important that we make efforts to connect the second generation of overseas Indians with their ancestral heritage and involve them actively in India’s march forward.
India is today one of the top investment destinations. Economic opportunities are expanding everywhere. Overseas Indians however, while being good savers tend to be somewhat conservative investors. Most remittances are placed in bank deposits. Foreign Direct Investment in India by overseas Indians is low and far short of potential. I would urge overseas Indians to take a careful look at long-term investment opportunities now on the horizon in our country.
Indian industry is rapidly developing a global orientation. Many Indian companies are transforming themselves into multinational corporations with global brand names. As Indian industry steps outward, the Indian diaspora could do more to inter-link Indian industry with global markets. They could reinforce the improving brand image of India. I sincerely hope that the newly established Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre will become an effective hub for promoting two-way interaction between the overseas Indian community and our institutions.
About forty percent of the total remittances of over 50 billion US dollars in 2007-2008 came from skilled and semi-skilled overseas Indian workers. The security of our overseas workers and students is a top priority of tmy government. Many of them have been badly affected by the economic crisis. We are conscious of the need to structure an appropriate ‘Return and Resettlement Fund’ and we are working on a project to provide a social security safety net for the returning workers.
We have been negotiating with the governments of countries with large emigrant Indian populations to improve the welfare and protection offered to our workers. Over the last year, we have signed labour agreements with Malaysia, Bahrain and Qatar that create institutional frameworks to look into issues such as recruitment, terms of employment and workers’ welfare. We also signed social security agreements last year with Switzerland, Luxembourg and the Netherlands and are now negotiating such agreements with a number of other countries.
The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs has also established the ‘Indian Community Welfare Fund’ in 18 countries in which there is a significant overseas Indian workforce. These funds support ‘on-site’ welfare measures including food, shelter, repatriation assistance and emergency relief to overseas Indians in distress.
In the coming years, India will need to invest much more in building physical, social and human capital. We must together position India as a supplier of skilled and trained manpower across a wide spectrum of skill sets and sectors. The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs is already collaborating with Indian Industry and the state governments in this effort. We would like to benefit from the services of overseas Indian professionals and volunteers to help Indian workers upgrade skills in specific trade where there is growing demand. At the meeting of the Council yesterday some very valuable suggestions were made to upgrade the quality of higher education system in our country.
We are now working to enhance work opportunities for our skilled manpower particularly in the west. We are trying to build labour mobility partnerships with key countries in the European Union and have finalized one such partnership with Denmark. These agreements will help to maximize benefits from labour mobility while addressing host country concerns such as irregular migration and integration problems.
We live in an increasingly integrated world; a very fast changing world. In our lifetime we have seen India walk with greater confidence and ability. In the lifetime of our children we would want them to see the India of our and their dreams - an India that lives up to the expectations of those who struggled to make it free and those who toil to take it forward and an India that wishes to live in peace, as it seeks prosperity for all.
As India seeks to realize its destiny in the 21st century, our engagement with the world draws its spiritual motivations from the values of our freedom struggle and our cultural and spiritual heritage. I end with a thought from Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore who once observed:
‘For us the highest purpose of this world is not merely living in it, knowing it and making use of it, but realizing our ownselves in it through expansion of sympathy; not alienating ourselves from it and dominating it, but comprehending and uniting it with ourselves in perfect union’.”
POWERING INDIA: Karnataka offers ArcelorMittal 2 sites for Rs 30,000-cr steel plant
New Delhi, Jan. 7
Karnataka has rolled out a red carpet welcome to the world's largest steel maker, ArcelorMittal, which would like to invest Rs 30,000 crore for setting up a six-million-tonne-a-year integrated steel plant in the State.
The State gave in-principle clearance for 38 projects worth Rs 1,38,000 crore recently, including a Rs 32,300-crore project of Korean steel giant Posco, said Mr B.S. Yeddyurappa, Chief Minister.
He was speaking to reporters after meeting Mr Lakshmi Mittal, Chairman of ArcelorMittal, here on Thursday.
“The representatives of ArcelorMittal have been shown two locations at Bellary and Bijapur. We will issue all clearances within 90 days after they decide on the location,” said Mr Yeddyurappa.
ArcelorMittal has sought 4,000 acres. The company will also set up a 750-MW captive power plant on this land. The steel plant is expected to create 10,000 direct jobs in the State.
Impressed with the support and co-operation from the Karnataka Government, Mr Mittal said: “There are lots of assurances and there is clear commitment from them. A good progress would be made in a couple of months and then we can decide on signing an MoU.”
ArcelorMittal's plans to set up steel plants in Orissa and Jharkhand have run into troubles over land acquisition issues and delays in securing regulatory approvals. The steel giant had planned to invest Rs 1 lakh crore in these projects. However, Mr Mittal ruled out any plans to exit from any of these projects despite the slow progress.
Mr Yeddyurappa invited Mr Mittal to be the chief guest at the inaugural of the Global Investors Meet in Bangalore on June 3 and 4, where the State Government expects to sign MoUs with promoters of 38 projects.
While stating that his Government was keen to attract investments to tier-II and tier-III cities, Mr Yeddyurappa said: “Nearly 60 per cent of the proposed investments would be in North Karnataka.”
The State has identified about 90,000 acres, of which acquisition has been initiated for some 40,000 acres for creation of a land bank, he said.
As part of its plans to improve the infrastructure, Karnataka has called for an expression of interest to set up a port at Tadri, said Mr Murgesh Nirani, the Industry Minister. The State plans to set up a special industrial zone for steel in districts in districts such as Bellary, Koppal, Raichur, Bagalkot and Haveri, he added.
Karnataka produces 9.7 mt of finished steel products a year, whereas the sponge iron and pig iron output is estimated at one mt.
The Rs 20,000-crore steel plant from Surya Vijayanagar Steels and Power and two gas pipeline projects of Relogistics Infrastructure and Gas Authority of India Ltd were among the other projects that were recently granted in-principle approvals.
New Delhi, Jan. 7
Karnataka has rolled out a red carpet welcome to the world's largest steel maker, ArcelorMittal, which would like to invest Rs 30,000 crore for setting up a six-million-tonne-a-year integrated steel plant in the State.
The State gave in-principle clearance for 38 projects worth Rs 1,38,000 crore recently, including a Rs 32,300-crore project of Korean steel giant Posco, said Mr B.S. Yeddyurappa, Chief Minister.
He was speaking to reporters after meeting Mr Lakshmi Mittal, Chairman of ArcelorMittal, here on Thursday.
“The representatives of ArcelorMittal have been shown two locations at Bellary and Bijapur. We will issue all clearances within 90 days after they decide on the location,” said Mr Yeddyurappa.
ArcelorMittal has sought 4,000 acres. The company will also set up a 750-MW captive power plant on this land. The steel plant is expected to create 10,000 direct jobs in the State.
Impressed with the support and co-operation from the Karnataka Government, Mr Mittal said: “There are lots of assurances and there is clear commitment from them. A good progress would be made in a couple of months and then we can decide on signing an MoU.”
ArcelorMittal's plans to set up steel plants in Orissa and Jharkhand have run into troubles over land acquisition issues and delays in securing regulatory approvals. The steel giant had planned to invest Rs 1 lakh crore in these projects. However, Mr Mittal ruled out any plans to exit from any of these projects despite the slow progress.
Mr Yeddyurappa invited Mr Mittal to be the chief guest at the inaugural of the Global Investors Meet in Bangalore on June 3 and 4, where the State Government expects to sign MoUs with promoters of 38 projects.
While stating that his Government was keen to attract investments to tier-II and tier-III cities, Mr Yeddyurappa said: “Nearly 60 per cent of the proposed investments would be in North Karnataka.”
The State has identified about 90,000 acres, of which acquisition has been initiated for some 40,000 acres for creation of a land bank, he said.
As part of its plans to improve the infrastructure, Karnataka has called for an expression of interest to set up a port at Tadri, said Mr Murgesh Nirani, the Industry Minister. The State plans to set up a special industrial zone for steel in districts in districts such as Bellary, Koppal, Raichur, Bagalkot and Haveri, he added.
Karnataka produces 9.7 mt of finished steel products a year, whereas the sponge iron and pig iron output is estimated at one mt.
The Rs 20,000-crore steel plant from Surya Vijayanagar Steels and Power and two gas pipeline projects of Relogistics Infrastructure and Gas Authority of India Ltd were among the other projects that were recently granted in-principle approvals.
CHINA & INDIA- CHALLENGING RELATIONSHIP
China & India – Challenging Relationship
+The author noted that the Qinghai-Tibet Highway with Capacity to transport 63000 tonnes of material to Tibet within a week would enable China’s army to march upto the border and India will not be able to check them.
By:K.K.Mitra
(The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) will celebrated its 46th Anniversary in December 2009. It has already made its mark in fulfilling its mandate of guarding to sensitive Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan border. This is the time to look back into the past a little bit and recall that the organization came into being in 1963 in the aftermath of great national trauma following India’s humiliating defeat by the Chinese forces in 1962. The complex and challenging Sino-India relations with its ups and downs still haunt us and continue to impact on India’s security. Hence, a brief overview of some of the recent developments seems to be in order)
China & India are two growing powers of Asia with a combined population of more than 2 billion. Although it is difficult to predict how powerful the two countries will become in another ten years, both are poised to play significant roles in Asia and the Indian Ocean region in future. The economies of both countries are estimated to grow despite global slowdown. China off course has done better than India having begun its economic reformss much earlier. Its rate of growth is good enough for doubling its GNP every ten years. China’s military modernization has kept pace with spectacular economic progress. Growing economic strength and military might have significantly influenced the strategic thinking of China’s new fifth generation leadership which has assumed power in the 17th Congress of the communist party in October 2007.
There has always been a basic difference in the way India and China look at each other. Both countries see themselves as rising powers deserving notice, respect and mutual understanding. Yet while India treats China as such and remains careful not to hurt Chinese sensibilities, China is reluctant to consider India as a worthy strategic or economic power. India’s distrust of China is based on China’s track record. China violated international treaties and norms in supplying Pakistan with Nuclear weapon designs, enrichment know how and missile capabilities. The nuclear nexus continues till this day. But while India fights shy of telling China about its concerns, the Chinese keep lecturing Indian diplomats about Dalai Lama, Arunachal Pradesh and nuclear nonproliferation. Indian leaders go out of their way in reassuring China that India is not going to be a part of any US-led attempt to contain China, while the latter continues to undermine Indian influence in Nepal, intrudes into Bhutan and threatens our access to the “chicken’s neck” in the North East. China has been making unconcealed efforts to gain foothold in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Srilanka and Nepal. It opposes India’s membership of the UN security council and seeks to exclude us from regional groupings in South East and East Asia. China has blocked all attempts in the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on Maulana Masood Azhar, Chief of Jaish-e-Mohammed. Chinese officials have been openly critical about US-India Nuclear Agreement & did their level best to prevent the Nuclear Suppliers Group from supporting US sponsored moves in favour of India.
Recent developments in Sino-Indian relations have been marked more by acrimony than by cooperation. The two Asian giants have competed for power and influence in the past too. But since last year (2008), the rivalry appears to have come out in the open. China opposed Asian Development Bank (ADB)’s ‘Country partnership strategy for India 2009-12’ to fund India’s infrastructure projects including some in Arunachal Pradesh on the ground that this region is Chinese territory and not India’s. There have been other disturbing indicators of growing tension in bilateral relations. For quite sometime now, the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi has been issuing visas to applicants from Jammu & Kashmir on a separate paper instead of stamping them on Indian passports implying thereby that the state is not a part of India. New Delhi is also concerned about various reports about China’s plans to build a dam across the upper reaches of Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra river) as part of Nagmu hydro-electric project which will have serious environmental and economic consequences for Assam. India, on its part, has asked China to stop assisting Pakistan’s project to upgrade the Karokaram highway & a proposed hydro-electric project in the POK because these areas have been illegally occupied by Pakistan.
There is noticeably new assestiveness in Chinese attitude towards India which has been repeatedly articulated through articles in state-controlled media and various official pronouncements. On 8th April this year, an article on the website of China’s ‘International Institute of Strategic Studies’, detailed a roadmap for breaking up India. The author wrote that in order to split India, China can use countries like Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan, support the ULFA in Assam, back the aspirations of the Nagas, encourage Bangladesh and recover the 90000 sq.km of lost territory in ‘Southern Tibet’ (read Arunachal Pradesh). Since the middle of this year, Chinese media have made derogatory and often quite threatening references to India. While commenting on Indian media reports about deployment of additional troops, upgradation of runways and induction of SU-37 fighter aircraft in the border areas, Chinese commentators have described India as a ‘paper tiger’ and warned that “India’s use of force against China will be trounced.” Following the visit of Dalai Lama to Tawang, an analyst wrote in “Global Times”, a subsidiary of party mouthpiece ‘Peoples Daily’ — that India had orchestrated Dalai’s Lama’s visit to ‘Southern Tibet”. The official peoples Daily later quoted the analyst as saying “India may have forgotten the ‘lessons of 1962’ when its repeated provocations resulted in military clashes. It noted that the Chinese government, facing repeated pressure from the people, will be forced to take measures for striking a blow to Indian interests. Earlier, an article (17th June 2009) in ‘China Centre for International & strategic studies’ observed that India was trying to alter the status quo in Sino-Indian border but it would regret if it acted rashly.
The author noted that the Qinghai-Tibet Highway with Capacity to transport 63000 tonnes of material to Tibet within a week would enable China’s army to march upto the border and India will not be able to check them.
China has significantly developed its military capability and infrastructure in Tibet whereas India has realised the need for strengthening road network and military capability on our side of the LAC only recently. India does not yet have the capability or the infrastructure to match China in a military conflict across the LAC. China’s military modernisation has clear implications for India’s defence planners. During most of the last two decades, its defence budget had double digit increases.
The official military budget touched $60 billion in 2008 but sinologists know that actual military outlays in China far exceed the declared amount. China is already miles ahead of India in all configurations of military power. As far as nuclear and ballistic missiles are concerned, China is altogether in a different league. By the end of the last decade of the 20th century, the PLA’s national defence strategy had changed from “peoples war under modern conditions” to “regional limited war under high tech conditions”.
In China’s strategic calculations, economically vibrant and militarily strong India diminishes its prospects of ‘peaceful rise’ as a global power destined to dominate Asia. There is noticeable concern amongst Chinese strategic planners regarding stability in China’s border regions — especially Xinjiang & Tibet. The main objective of China’s strategic doctrine is to prevent the emergence in Asia of a dominant power or alignment of powers which can challenge China. Most of the present generation of Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) leaders have convinced themselves that the USA & other western powers in collaboration with a rising India will try to weaken China by promoting dissent and separatism. Although the PLA leaders have almost disappeared from the front ranks of the party, it still remains an important, albeit somewhat invisible force in Chinese politics and international relations. The new fifth generation political leaders in the politburo and the well-educated, Military top brass some of whom have been inducted into the Central Military Commission during the last party congress are quite united on the issues of national defence and military posturing.
There is a belief in some quarters that booming bilateral trade and economic relations will preclude any armed conflict between India and China inspite of recent aggressive Chinese attitude on the border question. The Sino-India trade volume hit $52 billion in 2008 and China is now India’s largest trading partner. There are several other positive elements in relations between the two countries. But empirical evidence teaches us that there is no necessary link between economic interdependence and diplomatic harmony when perceived national interests are involved. China has consistently displayed aggressive nationalism which is rooted in its historical experience. In the past, if has used military power on several occasions to “right the wrongs of history” and settle territorial disputes. It has used force to seize islands in the disputed South China Seas and threatened to use force in the Taiwan straits. The Chinese army has invaded India in 1962 and Vietnam in 1979 to “teach lessons”. This xenophobic nationalism is rooted, to quote David Shaumbagh, an eminent sinologist, in centuries of shame and humiliation foisted upon the Chinese people by European Colonial Powers, American missionaries and Japanese invaders. Decades of indoctrination of ideas have reinforced and strengthened these societal beliefs. Consequently, China shows zero tolerance on the issues of Taiwan, Tibet and the British imposed ‘Line of Actual Control’ separating India and China. Chinese nationalism centres around so-called lost territories and China has never given up its claims on these territories. Mao had once described Tibet as China’s palm and Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, NEFA and Ladakh as its five fingers. As far as India is concerned, China will reiterate its claim on Arunachal Pradesh at regular intervals.
Empirical evidence also teaches us that Chinese strategic thought is marked by long tradition of denial and deception.
Therefore, one should “hope for the best but plan for the worst”as suggested by an eminent expert while commenting on Chinese military strategy.
The repeated Chinese intrusions into Indian territory have to be seen as deliberate action to reiterate territorial claims on Arunachal Pradesh. Let us hope that we would be able to manage the complex relationship between the two countries and deal with the challenges with mature leadership , wisdom and courage.
(Courtesy- Sashastra Seema Bal 46th Anniversary Commemorative Souvenir. The writer, Mr K.K.Mitra, is former Principal Director, DG Security,Cabinet Secretariat,
Government of India, New Delhi).
source: K.K.Mitra, C3S Paper No.419 dated December 25, 2009
+The author noted that the Qinghai-Tibet Highway with Capacity to transport 63000 tonnes of material to Tibet within a week would enable China’s army to march upto the border and India will not be able to check them.
By:K.K.Mitra
(The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) will celebrated its 46th Anniversary in December 2009. It has already made its mark in fulfilling its mandate of guarding to sensitive Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan border. This is the time to look back into the past a little bit and recall that the organization came into being in 1963 in the aftermath of great national trauma following India’s humiliating defeat by the Chinese forces in 1962. The complex and challenging Sino-India relations with its ups and downs still haunt us and continue to impact on India’s security. Hence, a brief overview of some of the recent developments seems to be in order)
China & India are two growing powers of Asia with a combined population of more than 2 billion. Although it is difficult to predict how powerful the two countries will become in another ten years, both are poised to play significant roles in Asia and the Indian Ocean region in future. The economies of both countries are estimated to grow despite global slowdown. China off course has done better than India having begun its economic reformss much earlier. Its rate of growth is good enough for doubling its GNP every ten years. China’s military modernization has kept pace with spectacular economic progress. Growing economic strength and military might have significantly influenced the strategic thinking of China’s new fifth generation leadership which has assumed power in the 17th Congress of the communist party in October 2007.
There has always been a basic difference in the way India and China look at each other. Both countries see themselves as rising powers deserving notice, respect and mutual understanding. Yet while India treats China as such and remains careful not to hurt Chinese sensibilities, China is reluctant to consider India as a worthy strategic or economic power. India’s distrust of China is based on China’s track record. China violated international treaties and norms in supplying Pakistan with Nuclear weapon designs, enrichment know how and missile capabilities. The nuclear nexus continues till this day. But while India fights shy of telling China about its concerns, the Chinese keep lecturing Indian diplomats about Dalai Lama, Arunachal Pradesh and nuclear nonproliferation. Indian leaders go out of their way in reassuring China that India is not going to be a part of any US-led attempt to contain China, while the latter continues to undermine Indian influence in Nepal, intrudes into Bhutan and threatens our access to the “chicken’s neck” in the North East. China has been making unconcealed efforts to gain foothold in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Srilanka and Nepal. It opposes India’s membership of the UN security council and seeks to exclude us from regional groupings in South East and East Asia. China has blocked all attempts in the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on Maulana Masood Azhar, Chief of Jaish-e-Mohammed. Chinese officials have been openly critical about US-India Nuclear Agreement & did their level best to prevent the Nuclear Suppliers Group from supporting US sponsored moves in favour of India.
Recent developments in Sino-Indian relations have been marked more by acrimony than by cooperation. The two Asian giants have competed for power and influence in the past too. But since last year (2008), the rivalry appears to have come out in the open. China opposed Asian Development Bank (ADB)’s ‘Country partnership strategy for India 2009-12’ to fund India’s infrastructure projects including some in Arunachal Pradesh on the ground that this region is Chinese territory and not India’s. There have been other disturbing indicators of growing tension in bilateral relations. For quite sometime now, the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi has been issuing visas to applicants from Jammu & Kashmir on a separate paper instead of stamping them on Indian passports implying thereby that the state is not a part of India. New Delhi is also concerned about various reports about China’s plans to build a dam across the upper reaches of Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra river) as part of Nagmu hydro-electric project which will have serious environmental and economic consequences for Assam. India, on its part, has asked China to stop assisting Pakistan’s project to upgrade the Karokaram highway & a proposed hydro-electric project in the POK because these areas have been illegally occupied by Pakistan.
There is noticeably new assestiveness in Chinese attitude towards India which has been repeatedly articulated through articles in state-controlled media and various official pronouncements. On 8th April this year, an article on the website of China’s ‘International Institute of Strategic Studies’, detailed a roadmap for breaking up India. The author wrote that in order to split India, China can use countries like Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan, support the ULFA in Assam, back the aspirations of the Nagas, encourage Bangladesh and recover the 90000 sq.km of lost territory in ‘Southern Tibet’ (read Arunachal Pradesh). Since the middle of this year, Chinese media have made derogatory and often quite threatening references to India. While commenting on Indian media reports about deployment of additional troops, upgradation of runways and induction of SU-37 fighter aircraft in the border areas, Chinese commentators have described India as a ‘paper tiger’ and warned that “India’s use of force against China will be trounced.” Following the visit of Dalai Lama to Tawang, an analyst wrote in “Global Times”, a subsidiary of party mouthpiece ‘Peoples Daily’ — that India had orchestrated Dalai’s Lama’s visit to ‘Southern Tibet”. The official peoples Daily later quoted the analyst as saying “India may have forgotten the ‘lessons of 1962’ when its repeated provocations resulted in military clashes. It noted that the Chinese government, facing repeated pressure from the people, will be forced to take measures for striking a blow to Indian interests. Earlier, an article (17th June 2009) in ‘China Centre for International & strategic studies’ observed that India was trying to alter the status quo in Sino-Indian border but it would regret if it acted rashly.
The author noted that the Qinghai-Tibet Highway with Capacity to transport 63000 tonnes of material to Tibet within a week would enable China’s army to march upto the border and India will not be able to check them.
China has significantly developed its military capability and infrastructure in Tibet whereas India has realised the need for strengthening road network and military capability on our side of the LAC only recently. India does not yet have the capability or the infrastructure to match China in a military conflict across the LAC. China’s military modernisation has clear implications for India’s defence planners. During most of the last two decades, its defence budget had double digit increases.
The official military budget touched $60 billion in 2008 but sinologists know that actual military outlays in China far exceed the declared amount. China is already miles ahead of India in all configurations of military power. As far as nuclear and ballistic missiles are concerned, China is altogether in a different league. By the end of the last decade of the 20th century, the PLA’s national defence strategy had changed from “peoples war under modern conditions” to “regional limited war under high tech conditions”.
In China’s strategic calculations, economically vibrant and militarily strong India diminishes its prospects of ‘peaceful rise’ as a global power destined to dominate Asia. There is noticeable concern amongst Chinese strategic planners regarding stability in China’s border regions — especially Xinjiang & Tibet. The main objective of China’s strategic doctrine is to prevent the emergence in Asia of a dominant power or alignment of powers which can challenge China. Most of the present generation of Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) leaders have convinced themselves that the USA & other western powers in collaboration with a rising India will try to weaken China by promoting dissent and separatism. Although the PLA leaders have almost disappeared from the front ranks of the party, it still remains an important, albeit somewhat invisible force in Chinese politics and international relations. The new fifth generation political leaders in the politburo and the well-educated, Military top brass some of whom have been inducted into the Central Military Commission during the last party congress are quite united on the issues of national defence and military posturing.
There is a belief in some quarters that booming bilateral trade and economic relations will preclude any armed conflict between India and China inspite of recent aggressive Chinese attitude on the border question. The Sino-India trade volume hit $52 billion in 2008 and China is now India’s largest trading partner. There are several other positive elements in relations between the two countries. But empirical evidence teaches us that there is no necessary link between economic interdependence and diplomatic harmony when perceived national interests are involved. China has consistently displayed aggressive nationalism which is rooted in its historical experience. In the past, if has used military power on several occasions to “right the wrongs of history” and settle territorial disputes. It has used force to seize islands in the disputed South China Seas and threatened to use force in the Taiwan straits. The Chinese army has invaded India in 1962 and Vietnam in 1979 to “teach lessons”. This xenophobic nationalism is rooted, to quote David Shaumbagh, an eminent sinologist, in centuries of shame and humiliation foisted upon the Chinese people by European Colonial Powers, American missionaries and Japanese invaders. Decades of indoctrination of ideas have reinforced and strengthened these societal beliefs. Consequently, China shows zero tolerance on the issues of Taiwan, Tibet and the British imposed ‘Line of Actual Control’ separating India and China. Chinese nationalism centres around so-called lost territories and China has never given up its claims on these territories. Mao had once described Tibet as China’s palm and Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, NEFA and Ladakh as its five fingers. As far as India is concerned, China will reiterate its claim on Arunachal Pradesh at regular intervals.
Empirical evidence also teaches us that Chinese strategic thought is marked by long tradition of denial and deception.
Therefore, one should “hope for the best but plan for the worst”as suggested by an eminent expert while commenting on Chinese military strategy.
The repeated Chinese intrusions into Indian territory have to be seen as deliberate action to reiterate territorial claims on Arunachal Pradesh. Let us hope that we would be able to manage the complex relationship between the two countries and deal with the challenges with mature leadership , wisdom and courage.
(Courtesy- Sashastra Seema Bal 46th Anniversary Commemorative Souvenir. The writer, Mr K.K.Mitra, is former Principal Director, DG Security,Cabinet Secretariat,
Government of India, New Delhi).
source: K.K.Mitra, C3S Paper No.419 dated December 25, 2009
Sikkim: By 2015 will get Rs 1500 crores revenue from Hydro projects
Gangtok, Jan 08 (ANI) : The Teesta River, nature’s gift to the state of Sikkim, has immense potential for the generation of hydroelectric power.
The state is now seeking to harness this potential and become self reliant in power.
Sikkim has large untapped potential for hydel power generation.
It has set the deadline of 2014 to become self-reliant in power.
Currently, the region has an installed capacity 100 MW and according to a study the state has the capacity to produce 100,000 MW.
The main focus for exploiting hydel power is the Teesta River along with its many tributaries.
“By 2015, we will generate 5000 MW. Out of that we will get 12% free power and we will be getting annually around 1500 crores of revenue from it, at a calculation of Rs 2-3 per unit and we will be getting dividend from the Joint Venture projects also. (Insert) Sikkim will be one of the richest states in the country, said Pema Wangchen, Chief Engineer, Energy and Power department Sikkim.
Five hydel power projects are in the last stages of completion, whereas work for other projects with capacity to produce 3000 MW is underway.
They are expected to be complete by 2015.
National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) has already commissioned Ranjeet Power station of 60 MW, Teesta Stage V power station of 510 MW and Teesta Stage IV of 520 MW.
By building 29 hydel power stations by 2015 under public-private partnership, Sikkim can be able to generate 5000 MW of power.
This will also generate employment opportunities for local youth.
“As far as employment is concerned, we should have technical trained people and those should undergo certain training for operation and technical management of the hydel power project. So I think, if our people are ready, projects can give a lot of employment nearly 80% once they are commissioned,” Wangchen added.
India’s power deficit is expected to widen in the current fiscal year to 12.6 per cent from 11.9 in the 2008-09 fiscal year.
And, Sikkim’s move to be self-reliant in power production will help the country close the demand and supply gap of power. (ANI)
Gangtok, Jan 08 (ANI) : The Teesta River, nature’s gift to the state of Sikkim, has immense potential for the generation of hydroelectric power.
The state is now seeking to harness this potential and become self reliant in power.
Sikkim has large untapped potential for hydel power generation.
It has set the deadline of 2014 to become self-reliant in power.
Currently, the region has an installed capacity 100 MW and according to a study the state has the capacity to produce 100,000 MW.
The main focus for exploiting hydel power is the Teesta River along with its many tributaries.
“By 2015, we will generate 5000 MW. Out of that we will get 12% free power and we will be getting annually around 1500 crores of revenue from it, at a calculation of Rs 2-3 per unit and we will be getting dividend from the Joint Venture projects also. (Insert) Sikkim will be one of the richest states in the country, said Pema Wangchen, Chief Engineer, Energy and Power department Sikkim.
Five hydel power projects are in the last stages of completion, whereas work for other projects with capacity to produce 3000 MW is underway.
They are expected to be complete by 2015.
National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) has already commissioned Ranjeet Power station of 60 MW, Teesta Stage V power station of 510 MW and Teesta Stage IV of 520 MW.
By building 29 hydel power stations by 2015 under public-private partnership, Sikkim can be able to generate 5000 MW of power.
This will also generate employment opportunities for local youth.
“As far as employment is concerned, we should have technical trained people and those should undergo certain training for operation and technical management of the hydel power project. So I think, if our people are ready, projects can give a lot of employment nearly 80% once they are commissioned,” Wangchen added.
India’s power deficit is expected to widen in the current fiscal year to 12.6 per cent from 11.9 in the 2008-09 fiscal year.
And, Sikkim’s move to be self-reliant in power production will help the country close the demand and supply gap of power. (ANI)
Gangtok - Fairyland of Sikkim
It is the coldest weeks of winter, and many places in North India are receiving the first snowfall of the season. Why not head to the hills of Sikkim for some beautiful views of snow-capped peaks, and if you are lucky, even see some snow?
Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, is a popular hill station. This small town lies atop a ridge at an altitude of 5,800 ft, amidst a Himalayan setting and overlooking the river Ranikhola. The snow-covered Kanchenjunga, the world’s third tallest peak, is seen towards the east of the town.
Gangtok, meaning ‘lofty hill’, was a small village until it gained the status of an important pilgrimage centre with the building of the Enchey Monastery in 1840. In 1975, with the end of the monarchical rule, Sikkim was made an official state of India with its capital at Gangtok.
Sightseeing Highlights
Gangtok is known for beautiful views of the Himalayan peaks, as well as ancient Buddhist monasteries. It is also the gateway to the Northeast, and serves as a convenient place to continue your travels to other destinations in the area. Start your trip by visiting the famous 200-year-old Enchey Monastery or gompa, located in the middle of a forest and offering a brilliant view of the Kanchendzong range. Also, catch the famous masked dance performances called ‘Cham’ in the month of January.
Then visit the Tashi Ling Monastery, 6 km away, known for its sacred pot (bumchu). It is said that the pot is filled with holy water, which has never dried for the last 300 years. Catch one of the many captivating views of the Kanchenjunga from here.
You could also take excursions to visit some other famous monasteries of the area. The Rumtek Monastery is the centre for the Kagyupa order of Tibetan Buddhism and is the largest monastery in the eastern side of the Himalayas. Seen in direct light, it looks like a sparkling jewel on the hillside. On the northern side of Sikkim is Phodong Monastery, another significant gompa of Sikkim. Tsuk la Khang, located on the grounds of the palace of the erstwhile rulers or Chogyals, is another monastery where Buddhists assemble and pray.
A must-visit in Gangtok is the Namgyal Institute, built in 1958. It has the world’s largest book and rare manuscript collection of Mahayana Buddhism, and is home to a large number of fascinating artefacts. Don’t miss the chance to explore the natural beauty of the hills. Go trekking or on nature walks to see birds, butterflies and rare flowers, especially orchids. Visit the Deorali Orchid Sanctuary that houses 200 different species of birds. It also has an exhibition centre displaying varieties of orchids.
Your visit to Gangtok is not complete without a visit to the beautiful Tsomgo Lake. Situated 35 km from Gangtok, this 1 km long lake has a Shiva temple along its shores. In winters, the lake freezes and during summers it comes alive in a riot of colours with a variety of flowers blooming here.
WHERE TO STAY
There are plenty of hotels in Gangtok, suited for all budgets. HolidayIQ lists 87 hotels for Gangtok. As many as 67 of these offer rooms for Rs 2,000 and below; 14 have rooms in the range Rs 2,001 to Rs 5,000; five have rooms between Rs 5,001 and Rs 10,000; one hotel is listed as offering rooms for a price above Rs 10,000. Most of the hotels are mountain or hill resorts. A couple of them are home stays, while another two are heritage hotels.
QUICK FACTS
State: Sikkim
District: East Sikkim
Language(s) spoken: Nepali, Sikkimese, Bhutia, Lepcha,
Hindi and English
Weather: Summers 10 - 28 C.
Winters -5 - 16 C
GETTING THERE
Nearest Airport: Bagdogra Airport (16 km)
Nearest Train Station: New Jalpaiguri (124 km)
Main Highway: NH 31A
Best time to visit: March to June; October to March
TOURISM INFO:
Sikkim Tourism Development Corporation Head Office M G Marg, Gangtok; Phone: (03592)23425
Top travellers’ query on HolidayIQ Xchange Forum:
We plan to visit Gangtok in January and February. How is the weather during this time of the year? Where can we see snow?
HolidayIQ members:
Gangtok is very cold, but beautiful in January and February. Make sure you carry plenty of warm clothes, gloves, woollen socks and mufflers, especially if you are travelling with children. The weather will not be cloudy or rainy, so you will have clear unobstructed views of the scenery, especially the Kanchenjunga in all its grandeur.
It does not snow very often in Gangtok. However, you will surely be able to see snow in the sub-zero temperatures of Tsomgo Lake and Natula Pass.
(Reply from HolidayIQ members)
HolidayIQ Traveller’s Review:
Gangtok is a cool and a charming place in Sikkim, a must-visit for people travelling to this part of the country. So neat and clean, the city and in fact the whole state is an example for India to follow in its neatness drive.
There are many excursions in and around Gangtok that every visitor must take - the Tsongo Lake, Nathula Pass (for the patriotic types), Baba Mandir, Bun Jhakri falls, Ropeway etc. If you are lucky, then there is river rafting in Teesta, some 50 odd km from Gangtok. You need at least three days in Gangtok if you wish to travel to Nathula as well.
Keep warm clothes if you are travelling in winter, as it can be very chilly. An important note for people travelling to Nathula and Baba Mandir - since these places are at very high altitudes (14,200 ft), you may face breathing problems. Hence, a simple solution is to keep ‘kapur’ (used for a flame) with you and smell it when you have breathing problems.
Shopping is comparatively expensive here and things are not authentic. Most items are Chinese-made with life of 4-6 months.
Pratik, Pune
(If you have any interesting facts about gangtok mail us at: bm.trippin@indiatimes.com)
It is the coldest weeks of winter, and many places in North India are receiving the first snowfall of the season. Why not head to the hills of Sikkim for some beautiful views of snow-capped peaks, and if you are lucky, even see some snow?
Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, is a popular hill station. This small town lies atop a ridge at an altitude of 5,800 ft, amidst a Himalayan setting and overlooking the river Ranikhola. The snow-covered Kanchenjunga, the world’s third tallest peak, is seen towards the east of the town.
Gangtok, meaning ‘lofty hill’, was a small village until it gained the status of an important pilgrimage centre with the building of the Enchey Monastery in 1840. In 1975, with the end of the monarchical rule, Sikkim was made an official state of India with its capital at Gangtok.
Sightseeing Highlights
Gangtok is known for beautiful views of the Himalayan peaks, as well as ancient Buddhist monasteries. It is also the gateway to the Northeast, and serves as a convenient place to continue your travels to other destinations in the area. Start your trip by visiting the famous 200-year-old Enchey Monastery or gompa, located in the middle of a forest and offering a brilliant view of the Kanchendzong range. Also, catch the famous masked dance performances called ‘Cham’ in the month of January.
Then visit the Tashi Ling Monastery, 6 km away, known for its sacred pot (bumchu). It is said that the pot is filled with holy water, which has never dried for the last 300 years. Catch one of the many captivating views of the Kanchenjunga from here.
You could also take excursions to visit some other famous monasteries of the area. The Rumtek Monastery is the centre for the Kagyupa order of Tibetan Buddhism and is the largest monastery in the eastern side of the Himalayas. Seen in direct light, it looks like a sparkling jewel on the hillside. On the northern side of Sikkim is Phodong Monastery, another significant gompa of Sikkim. Tsuk la Khang, located on the grounds of the palace of the erstwhile rulers or Chogyals, is another monastery where Buddhists assemble and pray.
A must-visit in Gangtok is the Namgyal Institute, built in 1958. It has the world’s largest book and rare manuscript collection of Mahayana Buddhism, and is home to a large number of fascinating artefacts. Don’t miss the chance to explore the natural beauty of the hills. Go trekking or on nature walks to see birds, butterflies and rare flowers, especially orchids. Visit the Deorali Orchid Sanctuary that houses 200 different species of birds. It also has an exhibition centre displaying varieties of orchids.
Your visit to Gangtok is not complete without a visit to the beautiful Tsomgo Lake. Situated 35 km from Gangtok, this 1 km long lake has a Shiva temple along its shores. In winters, the lake freezes and during summers it comes alive in a riot of colours with a variety of flowers blooming here.
WHERE TO STAY
There are plenty of hotels in Gangtok, suited for all budgets. HolidayIQ lists 87 hotels for Gangtok. As many as 67 of these offer rooms for Rs 2,000 and below; 14 have rooms in the range Rs 2,001 to Rs 5,000; five have rooms between Rs 5,001 and Rs 10,000; one hotel is listed as offering rooms for a price above Rs 10,000. Most of the hotels are mountain or hill resorts. A couple of them are home stays, while another two are heritage hotels.
QUICK FACTS
State: Sikkim
District: East Sikkim
Language(s) spoken: Nepali, Sikkimese, Bhutia, Lepcha,
Hindi and English
Weather: Summers 10 - 28 C.
Winters -5 - 16 C
GETTING THERE
Nearest Airport: Bagdogra Airport (16 km)
Nearest Train Station: New Jalpaiguri (124 km)
Main Highway: NH 31A
Best time to visit: March to June; October to March
TOURISM INFO:
Sikkim Tourism Development Corporation Head Office M G Marg, Gangtok; Phone: (03592)23425
Top travellers’ query on HolidayIQ Xchange Forum:
We plan to visit Gangtok in January and February. How is the weather during this time of the year? Where can we see snow?
HolidayIQ members:
Gangtok is very cold, but beautiful in January and February. Make sure you carry plenty of warm clothes, gloves, woollen socks and mufflers, especially if you are travelling with children. The weather will not be cloudy or rainy, so you will have clear unobstructed views of the scenery, especially the Kanchenjunga in all its grandeur.
It does not snow very often in Gangtok. However, you will surely be able to see snow in the sub-zero temperatures of Tsomgo Lake and Natula Pass.
(Reply from HolidayIQ members)
HolidayIQ Traveller’s Review:
Gangtok is a cool and a charming place in Sikkim, a must-visit for people travelling to this part of the country. So neat and clean, the city and in fact the whole state is an example for India to follow in its neatness drive.
There are many excursions in and around Gangtok that every visitor must take - the Tsongo Lake, Nathula Pass (for the patriotic types), Baba Mandir, Bun Jhakri falls, Ropeway etc. If you are lucky, then there is river rafting in Teesta, some 50 odd km from Gangtok. You need at least three days in Gangtok if you wish to travel to Nathula as well.
Keep warm clothes if you are travelling in winter, as it can be very chilly. An important note for people travelling to Nathula and Baba Mandir - since these places are at very high altitudes (14,200 ft), you may face breathing problems. Hence, a simple solution is to keep ‘kapur’ (used for a flame) with you and smell it when you have breathing problems.
Shopping is comparatively expensive here and things are not authentic. Most items are Chinese-made with life of 4-6 months.
Pratik, Pune
(If you have any interesting facts about gangtok mail us at: bm.trippin@indiatimes.com)
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