Introducing Afghanistan

Overview
Afghanistan, officially the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan is a landlocked country at the cross roads of Central Asia, South Asia and the Middle East. Generally considered a part of Central Asia, it is sometimes ascribed to a regional bloc in either South Asia or the Middle East, as it has religious, ethno-linguistic, and geographic links with most of its neighbours. It is largely bordered by Pakistan in the south and east, Iran in the west, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in the north, and the People's Republic of China in the far northeast. The name Afghanistan means the "Land of Afghans".

Afghanistan is a mosaic of ethnic groups, and a crossroads between the East and West. It has been an ancient focal-point of trade and migration. The region of modern Afghanistan has seen many invaders come and go, including the Persians, Greeks, Arabs, Turks, Mongols, British and the Soviets. Afghanistan was created as a nation in 1747 by Ahmad Shah Durrani.[3] On August 19, 1919, following the Anglo-Afghan wars, the country regained full independence from the UK over its foreign affairs.

Afghanistan's strategic position sandwiched between the Middle East, Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent along the ancient "Silk Route" means that the country has long been fought over - despite its rugged and forbidding terrain.

It was at the centre of the so-called "Great Game" in the 19th century when Imperial Russia and the British Empire in India vied for influence.

And it became a key Cold War battleground after thousands of Soviet troops intervened in 1979 to prop up a pro-communist regime, leading to a major confrontation that drew in the US and Afghanistan's neighbours.

The emergence of the Taleban - originally a group of Islamic scholars - brought asome kind of stability after nearly two decades of conflict. But their extreme version of Islam attracted widespread internatinal criticism.

Afghanistan's economic outlook has improved significantly since 2001 because of the infusion of over $8 billion in international assistance, recovery of the agricultural sector and growth of the service sector, and the reestablishment of market institutions.

Despite the progress of the past few years, Afghanistan remains extremely poor, landlocked, and highly dependent on foreign aid, farming, and trade with neighboring countries.

Politics in Afghanistan has historically consisted of power struggles, bloody coups and unstable transfers of power. With the exception of a military junta, the country has been governed by nearly every system of government over the past century, including a monarchy, republic, theocracy and communist state. The constitution ratified by the 2003 Loya jirga restructured the government as an Islamic republic consisting of three branches, (executive, legislative, and judiciary).

Population: 29,121,286

Urban Population: 24% of total population (2008)

Major Ethnic and Linguistic Groups:
Pashtun - 42%
Tajik - 27%
Hazara - 9%
Uzbek - 9% Aimak - 4%
Turkmen - 3%
Baloch - 2%
Other - 4%
Religion: Sunni Muslim 80%, Shia Muslim 19%, other 1%
Population Growth Rate: 2.471% (2010 est.)
Government Type: Islamic Republic
Executive branch:
Chief of State: President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Hamid KARZAI (since 7 December 2004); First Vice President Mohammad FAHIM Khan (since 19 November 2009); Second Vice President Abdul Karim KHALILI (since 7 December 2004) note - the president is both the chief of state and head of government; former King ZAHIR Shah held the honorific, "Father of the Country," and presided symbolically over certain occasions but lacked any governing authority; the honorific is not hereditary; King ZAHIR Shah died on 23 July 2007
Head of Government: President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Hamid KARZAI (since 7 December 2004); First Vice President Mohammad FAHIM Khan (since 19 November 2009); Second Vice President Abdul Karim KHALILI (since 7 December 2004)
Cabinet: 25 ministers; note - ministers are appointed by the president and approved by the National Assembly
Elections: The president and two vice presidents elected by direct vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); if no candidate receives 50% or more of the vote in the first round of voting, the two candidates with the most votes will participate in a second round; a president can only be elected for two terms; election last held on 20 August 2009. Next elections to be held in 2014.
Election results: Hamid KARZAI reelected president; percent of vote - Hamid KARZAI 49.67%, Abdullah ABDULLAH 30.59%, Ramazan BASHARDOST 10.46%, Ashraf GHANI 2.94%; other 6.34%
Legislative branch: The bicameral National Assembly consists of the Meshrano Jirga or House of Elders (102 seats, one-third of members elected from provincial councils for four-year terms, one-third elected from local district councils for three-year terms, and one-third nominated by the president for five-year terms) and the Wolesi Jirga or House of People (no more than 249 seats); members directly elected for five-year terms
Note: On rare occasions the government may convene a Loya Jirga (Grand Council) on issues of independence, national sovereignty, and territorial integrity; it can amend the provisions of the constitution and prosecute the president; it is made up of members of the National Assembly and chairpersons of the provincial and district councils
Elections: Last held on 18 September 2005 (next election expected in 2010)
Election Results: The single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system used in the election did not make use of political party slates; most candidates ran as independents
Judicial branch: The constitution establishes a nine-member Stera Mahkama or Supreme Court (its nine justices are appointed for 10-year terms by the president with approval of the Wolesi Jirga) and subordinate High Courts and Appeals Courts; there is also a minister of justice; a separate Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission established by the Bonn Agreement is charged with investigating human rights abuses and war crimes.
Economy | overview:
Afghanistan's economy is recovering from decades of conflict. The economy has improved significantly since the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001 largely because of the infusion of international assistance, the recovery of the agricultural sector, and service sector growth. Despite the progress of the past few years, Afghanistan is extremely poor, landlocked, and highly dependent on foreign aid, agriculture, and trade with neighboring countries. Much of the population continues to suffer from shortages of housing, clean water, electricity, medical care, and jobs. Criminality, insecurity, weak governance, and the Afghan Government's inability to extend rule of law to all parts of the country pose challenges to future economic growth. Afghanistan's living standards are among the lowest in the world. While the international community remains committed to Afghanistan's development, pledging over $57 billion at three donors' conferences since 2002, the Government of Afghanistan will need to overcome a number of challenges, including low revenue collection, anemic job creation, high levels of corruption, weak government capacity, and poor public infrastructure.

 sadhu stands in the backdrop of a tent during the annual Magh Mela festival at Sangam in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. Photo: AP

SILIGURI: Siliguri track mixers open first DJ school

THE TELEGRAPH

DJ Max (third from left) and DJ Niraj (fourth from left) with students at the institute in Siliguri. A Telegraph picture

Siliguri, Jan. 21: Siliguri has got its first full-fledged DJ institute, thanks to two youths who want to cash in on the new generation’s penchant for performance.

The North Bengal DJ Institute was opened on January 16 to train youths in the art of deejaying.

Ten candidates, most of whom are from Siliguri, Darjeeling and neighbouring Sikkim, have already enrolled in the institute run by DJs Max and Niraj.

The trainers said the growing interest among youngsters to pursue discjockeying as a career had prompted them to start the institute.

“Ten years ago, there was virtually no scope for deejaying in Siliguri where hardly any night club or pubs were open. The general notion at the time was that deejaying was not a feasible career and anyone interested in the art had to go to metros to get trained,” said DJ Max or Sanjeet Gupta, who has been in the profession for eight years.

According to him, the mindset has changed in the past couple of years. “The crowd in Siliguri has become more trendy and a lot of corporate events, parties and weddings are being organised which cannot do without a DJ. A number of nightclubs, pubs and FM channels have sprung up and they are ready to offer jobs to budding talents. With such scope and opportunities, the interest among the youngsters to take up deejaying as a career too has increased,” said DJ Max.

The owners claimed that the institute at Mahananda Park was the first-of-its kind in Siliguri.

“We have opened a first-of-its kind institute with sophisticated equipment brought from Calcutta to give the best training to the students. Currently, we have a turntable, the main instrument on which a DJ plays, a mixer to mix the tracks, and two LCDs for editing. The students will be taught to produce, re-mix and edit music,” said DJ Max.

The trainers said reputed disc jockeys from Mumbai and Calcutta would be called to hold classes for the students during the three-month course.

“There will be 36 classes spread over three months and the course fee is Rs 15,000. The classes will be held thrice a month for two hours each. Once a month, well-known DJs like DJ Mansur and DJ Ronit from Calcutta and DJ Suketu from Mumbai will give lessons. The students will also be given a chance to play at parties and events here,” said DJ Niraj, who has four years’ experience.

He said youths in Siliguri had vast knowledge of music and most of them were deft in playing guitar, keyboard, drums and other musical instruments. “These are the qualities required to become a DJ, along with energy and enthusiasm,” said DJ Niraj (Niraj Chowdhury).

Manjeet Singh was one of the students who joined the institute.“I have always enjoyed dancing to music played by the DJs and often wondered how it would be like to be one myself. After the completion of the course, I plan to move to Bangalore or New Delhi to play at nightclubs and pubs,” he said.

Priyanka Sarkar dreams of starting her own discotheque once she learns the art. “For now, I plan to work as a freelancer but in future I wish to open a discotheque.”

Data Source: The Economist

Sino-Indian RelationsStrategic stability but tactical aggressivenessGurmeet Kanwal

UNEASY CALM: A Chinese and an Indian soldier during a joint training exercise

As fragile bilateral relations continue to be marked with contentious issues like stapled visas, border incursions and territorial claims, the military gap between India and China is growing steadily due to the double-digit annual growth in the Chinese defence budget while India's military modernisation continues to remain mired in red tape.

Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao's recent visits to India and Pakistan achieved diametrically opposite results. His visit here fell much short of Indian expectations and failed to resolve the recent logjam in the security relationship between the two countries. However, in Pakistan he further consolidated the "all-weather" strategic partnership and, according to the joint statement, the relationship has gone "beyond bilateral dimensions and acquired broader regional and international ramifications".

It had been widely anticipated in India that Jiabao's visit would not result in the satisfactory resolution of India's major concerns. The joint statement issued at the end of the visit on December 16, 2010, bears out the apprehensions of Indian analysts. Agreements for bilateral trade amounting to US$ 16 billion were signed and the two sides agreed to raise mutual trade from US$ 60 billion this year to US$ 100 billion by 2015. (In contrast, China signed trade agreements with Pakistan worth US$ 35 billion during his visit.) However, India did not agree to sign a free trade agreement; instead the joint statement proposes ''measures to promote greater Indian exports to China with a view to reduce India's trade deficit.'' Six joint agreements were signed on culture, green technology, media exchanges, river data and banking, all of which are relatively less significant aspects of the bilateral relationship.

 

China remained non-committal on the ticklish issue of visas being stapled to the passports of the residents of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), instead of being stamped on their passports. China did not agree to either mention Pakistan as the source of terrorism or condemn the perpetrators of the Mumbai terror strikes. It also did not specifically endorse India's quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. In turn, India did not accept a reference to the one-China policy and, instead, the principle of "mutual respect and sensitivity for each other's concerns and aspirations" was included in the joint statement. The visit also reinforced Indian views that China is increasingly leaning on Pakistan in its Kashmir policy.

 

Relations between India and China have been fairly stable at the strategic level. Economic relations are much better now than these have been in the past. Mutual economic dependence is growing rapidly even though the balance of trade is skewed in China's favour. The two countries have been cooperating in international fora like WTO talks and climate change negotiations. There has even been some cooperation in energy security. However, at the tactical level, China has been exhibiting a markedly aggressive political, diplomatic and military attitude. Instability in the security relationship, in particular, has the potential to act as a spoiler and the security relationship will ultimately determine whether the two Asian giants will clash or cooperate for mutual gains. The major cause for this instability is the half-century old territorial and boundary dispute over which the two countries fought a border war in 1962.

 

The pointers to the future are not particularly positive. China continues to be in physical occupation of large areas of Indian territory in J&K. On the Aksai Chin plateau in Ladakh, China is in possession of approximately 38,000 square kilometres of territory since the mid-1950s. In addition, Pakistan illegally ceded 5,180 sq km of Indian territory to China in 1963 in the Shaksgam Valley of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir under a bilateral boundary agreement that India does not recognise. Close to this area, the Chinese built the Karakoram highway that now provides a strategic land link between Xinjiang, Tibet and Pakistan. China continues to stake its claim to about 96,000 sq km of Indian territory in the eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh, which it calls Southern Tibet.

 

Chinese interlocutors have repeatedly claimed that the Tawang Tract, in particular, is part of Tibet and that the merger of this area with Tibet is non-negotiable. In 2005, India and China had agreed on "guiding principles and parameters" for a political solution to the territorial dispute. One important parameter was that "settled populations will not be disturbed". In the case of Tawang the Chinese have gone back on this. If such errant behavior continues, India will find it difficult to accept Chinese assurances of peaceful resolution of the territorial dispute at face value.

The Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China is yet to be physically demarcated on the ground and delineated on military maps. In fact, despite the Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement (BPTA) signed with the Chinese in 1993 and the agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field signed in 1996, border guards of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) have transgressed the LAC repeatedly to intrude into Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. They have even objected to Indian road construction efforts and the presence of Indian graziers at their traditional grazing grounds.

 

Patrol face-offs are commonplace and usually end with both the sides warning each other to go back to their own territory. While no such incident has resulted in a violent clash so far, the probability of such an occurrence is high. Demarcation of the LAC without prejudice to each other's position on the territorial dispute would be an excellent confidence building measure but little progress has been made in 14 rounds of talks between the two special representatives. Under the circumstances, China's intransigence in exchanging maps showing the alignment of the LAC in the western and the eastern sectors is difficult to understand.

 

The military gap between Indian and China is growing steadily as the PLA is modernising at a rapid pace due to the double-digit annual growth in the Chinese defence budget while India's military modernisation plans continue to remain mired in red tape. China's negotiating strategy is to stall resolution of the dispute till the Chinese are in a much stronger position in terms of comprehensive national strength so that they can then dictate terms. The rapidly blossoming strategic partnership between China and Pakistan is also a major cause for concern.

 

During any future conflict with either China or Pakistan, India will have to contend with a two-front situation as each will collude militarily with the other - a situation for which the Indian armed forces are not prepared. Hence, it is in India's interest to strive for the early resolution of the territorial dispute with China so that India has only one major military adversary to contend with.

 

The author is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi

source:The Economist

Capitalism: regulate, rework, transform

Capitalism: regulate, rework, transform

by K. S. Jacob

Economies should combine the efficiency of capitalism with socialistic ideals of equity and justice.

The liberalisation of the country's economy resulted in tremendous progress, sustained growth and increased wealth. Yet, the incredible indices of development mask inequity and the human cost of progress. For millions of Indians, hunger is routine, malnutrition rife, employment insecure, social security non-existent, health care expensive and livelihoods are under threat.

Capitalism's ability to improve economies is not in doubt. It has always argued that what is good for large corporations is good for national economies. Gross domestic product figures inflated by phenomenal successes of the rich are often very impressive. However, they conceal the poverty and suffering at the bottom of the economic pyramid. Nevertheless, there is a perception among capitalists that the system is fair and allows for growth of all sections. The fact that those who do not have capital (finance, land ownership, education, health, etc.) have little chance of economic progress is never acknowledged.

Greed and excesses

Inequity in the capitalistic system is a given. Hence, controlling the excesses of capitalism, while allowing for economic progress, is a serious consideration before mature democracies and governments. However, others argue that such controls are only possible in theory and do not work in practice. Capitalism, driven as much by individual greed and aspiration as by individual capital, will always strive to break free of controls. The rich, who control capital, contend that minimal controls are required for free markets to flourish. They support minimal taxation policies, reject increased levies to meet public expenditure and oppose enhanced duties for social justice initiatives. Nevertheless, these viewpoints actually cover libertarian beliefs that governments have no right to tax people because taxation is nothing but stealing personal property obtained by merit, history and inheritance.

Capitalists also control governments, even hold them hostage. The funding of elections by private capital mandates moderation in the election rhetoric of politicians, during their tenure in government. Consequently, most governments take up right-of-centre positions, which do not allow for taxation policies required for social justice in our grossly iniquitous world.

Nevertheless, the recent collapse of many international banks, the massive bailouts required by many reputed pillars of finance for survival and the global economic recession exposed the limitations of the capitalist system. They documented the excesses of unregulated capitalism and laid bare the greed and intellectual dishonesty undergirding the system. Surely, a more honest conceptualisation of the conflicts of interest and biases among the rich and powerful players who have benefited from the system is needed; the focus on the wealth created should also highlight the resultant gross inequity.

Models of control

China's economic success has shattered many a capitalistic myth. It has emphasised the phenomenal success of direct governmental controls on the market. It has also underscored America's amnesia about its own industrial policies used to protect national interests. The U.S. government controls on steel and railroads in the 19th century and on the agriculture and defence industries in the 20th century supported sections of the American market and economy from external competition, thus cementing their success.

The collapse of the Irish economy, lauded as the perfect example of free market success, also refutes many free market myths. Its abysmally low rates of corporate tax attracted international corporations to relocate their headquarters to Ireland. The country gained a few thousand clerical jobs in exchange for its charity towards the rich. Ireland also subscribed to other free market folklore and allowed for unregulated speculation and trade in its financial sector. Its recent financial collapse and bailout have left all its citizens paying for the greed and errors of its rich bankers.

Free market arguments are always used by rich and developed nations to prise open poor economies to their advantage. The conditionalities imposed by their banks (read the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) in exchange for credit have crippled many a developing economy by removing trade barriers and reducing subsidies, which are required to protect local and fledgling markets against international competition. The obvious double standards on protectionism by rich nations are never mentioned.

Regulated capitalism

Economic structures should combine the efficiency of capitalism with socialistic ideals of equity and justice. The key question now is: “Who should regulate capitalism?” The answer is: national governments. Governments in poor countries as representatives of the population, the majority of which subsists on $1 a day, owe it to their people to provide social justice. Although some regulation exists and programmes for social justice have been rolled out in India (the National Rural Health Mission, the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, etc.), they are employed to mitigate the effects of structural violence and as a vote-winning strategy rather than as a commitment to uplift the poor. The national health budget was reduced to 0.9 per cent of the GDP in the 1990s. Although the United Progressive Alliance was voted to power on its promise of raising it back to 2-3 per cent, this has yet to materialise. The ruling class (read politicians, administrators and their corporate partners) seems to employ social justice projects to soften democratic opposition to its capitalistic ideas of development. These schemes seem to be measures to prevent open revolt by the poor, rather than solutions to produce an egalitarian society. However, gross underfunding of such schemes ensures the success of capitalistic ventures, thus increasing privatisation and running down the public sector.

Massive corruption, exposed in the 2G spectrum and Commonwealth Games scams, is also maintained by a convenient nexus among politicians, corporations, civil servants, the judiciary, the police and the rich in civil society, who disagree with the strategy for social change or are impatient to increase their personal wealth. The administration refuses to clean up the system, as it would expose the extent of the rot within. Opposition to the Right to Information Act also stems from a similar nexus.

The lack of significant differences among various political groupings over financial and economic policies reflects the insensitivity of the ruling class to the needs of the majority. It mandates that the people, with their electoral power, should regularly ensure changes in governments, which over-promise and under-deliver. Although the lack of credible alternatives limits impact, it remains the only check on the ruling class and governments.

Individual or collective aspiration

The vision for civilised societies, enshrined in many national constitutions, has to be the fulfilling of the collective aspiration of the vast majority. While free trade policies are good on the average for rich and developed nations, individuals with limited capital within these cultures also suffer when they lose their jobs to Bangalore or to Shanghai. Specific protections are good for emerging markets, as they benefit the vast majority in the region and allow time to improve efficiency and competitiveness.

The focus on the collective aspiration of the majority of India's population, of moving out of poverty, is a just cause. National policies and programmes should cater for the needs of the majority rather than adding millions to the coffers of the wealthy. The magnitude of subsidies for the corporate sector and the scale of corruption in business dealings also suggest that the amount of monies actually available for social justice programmes exceed all expectations and require only political and administrative will for implementation.

China has reworked capitalism on its own terms. It has showed the way in using direct government control to protect its economy, create wealth and improve its indices of health and human development. It leads India on these indices, arguing that investing in social justice projects for the majority will provide the demographic dividend needed for economic prosperity.

There is need to transform capitalism, redesign and root it in the Indian context. Capitalistic beliefs often result in a lack of understanding, and disregard for the lot of the average citizen. The wealthy have hijacked public spaces, shared resources, economic rights and political processes and have skewed the national debate. Democratic systems demand solutions, which are sensitive to the aspirations of the majority. Economic growth will have to translate into basic needs for all. History will judge whether our very own IMFwallahs are instruments of the rich or use their intellect, positions and power to bring equity for the majority, the poor. The government will need to fulfil the Directive Principles enshrined in the Constitution, and its commitment to the human rights of the majority of the population. The interdependent nature of our modern world argues for a fair deal for all. Universal development will result in a stabler and more secure world.

(Professor K.S. Jacob is on the faculty of the Christian Medical College, Vellore.)

source;The Hindu

NABARD to develop medicinal plants in Sikkim

source:iSikkim

KHAMDUNG, EAST SIKKIM: NABARD is making efforts to utilize the vast potential of Sikkim in medicinal plantations and therefore sanctioning Skill Development Programmes for cultivation of various medicinal plants like Aloe Vera,
Tulsi, Turmeric, Satavari, Chitu, Pakhanved, Dhaturo, Bojo, and Akh etc. to provide
Opportunities for additional income to the farmers engaged in agriculture and employment generation to rural youth and unemployed people in the villages restricting their migration to the urban areas. There is lot of demand of Medicinal Plants not only in India but also in various countries of world as these are being utilised by practitioners of Allopathy, Ayurved, Naturopathy, Unani, Homeopathy and others. Shri Om Prakash Assistant General Manager, NABARD expressed as a Chief Guest during a Skill Development Programme valediction organised by Holistic Medicinal Promotion and Allied Education in village Khamdung, East Sikkim with
the support of NABARD which was held recently.

Shri Prakash AGM said that banks loan disbursement increased from Rs.170.08 lakh in 2007- 08 to Rs.295.89 lakh in 2009-10 in plantation and horticulture sector in Sikkim State and NABARD has planned to increase it upto Rs.1364.96lakh by 2011-12 by increasing awareness, motivation, coordination with NGOs, banks, government agencies, farmers and others and intensifying various Skill Development Programmes to extensively contribute towards achieving various mission and goals of the Sikkim State, Reserve Bank of India and Government of India.

He said that by starting cultivation of various medicinal plants, the trainees would ensure extensive utilisation of natural resources of the state, improve their own income, contribute towards eradication of unemployment, improve their own health and therefore can play great role in integrated development. Shri Om Prakash also stressed the need for quality production of various medicinal plants by using High Yielding Varieties, other best methods and practices learned by the participants during their three weeks training programme by experts and share their experiences with each other and representatives of Holistic Medicinal Promotion and Allied Education to ensure timely guidance, help and other support. While interacting with the participants, he advised them to approach the banks branches in case of need for bank finance on individual, Self Help Group or Joint Liability Group basis. NABARD AGM had also indicated that production and supplying of high quality medicinal plants to the processing units would also lead towards checking and removal of various kinds of dreaded diseases like depression, diabetes, high blood pressure, paralysis, insomnia, pain related problems and skin diseases etc. and therefore people involved in it would also be contributing towards social development of the society. Active involvement of the skilled people in such activities would motivate others to adopt such ventures. At the endofthe programme certificates were awarded by the Chief guest to all the participants.

Sh. Arun Pradhan Chief Coordinator, Holistic Medicinal Promotion and Allied Education gave vote of thanks. The programme was also attended by the representatives of Panchayat

Kashmir’s dichotomy Hindu past and Muslim present

Kashmir’s dichotomy Hindu past and Muslim present!

By Ashraf on Thursday, January 20, 2011

Kashmir is the only place in the sub-continent which has recorded history from the earliest times. Kalhan, the most illustrious son of Kashmir wrote Rajatarangani, the River of Kings, in 12th century A.D. It is considered to be the earliest written book of history in the sub-continent. Kalhan relates the happenings in Kashmir from ancient times. Kashmir was a glorious Hindu Kingdom. However, the Hinduism followed here was the Trika School of Saivite Philosophy. Belief in monism. The Hindu God Shiva manifests in three forms of Brahma, Mahesh, and Vishnu. This form of Hindu religion is totally different from the one followed in North India which is the Vedanta philosophy. The Saivite philosophy is also prevalent in South India. Kashmiri Brahmins consider themselves to be the elite of Brahmanism. There were many famous Hindu Kings of Kashmir right from Gonanda-I to Laltaditya, Avantivarman, Harsha, Queen Dida and so many others. Kashmir also had a glorious Buddhist period during the time of Kanishka. The famous Buddhist Council which changed the basic philosophy of Buddhism from the Hinayan to Mahayan School was also held in Kashmir. The valley also boasted of one of the best institutions of leaning, the Sharda University. This was visited by scholars from all over the world and had a very large collection of books and manuscripts.

Historically, Kashmir has seen the glorious Hindu past. We cannot divest ourselves from this past. However, in the twelfth century the religion of Islam was introduced in Kashmir by preachers coming from Iran. Bulbul Shah was the first to come followed by Mir Sayed Ali Hamadani popularly known as Shah-i-Hamadan who came with over 700 Sayeds. They preached the religion of peace-Islam which the local Kashmiris voluntarily accepted. There was mass conversion through preaching and not by force. The Hindus were left in a minority, mostly Brahmins! Kashmir’s conversion to Islam was totally peaceful. With the conversion of Rin Cin Shah, the last non-Muslim ruler of Kashmir, Islam became the state religion. The Hindus who had been reduced to a miniscule minority reconciled to their fate and got along well with the Muslim majority. There was trouble only during the time of Sikander, the father of famous King Zain-ul-Abdin popularly known as Budshah. It is alleged that there were forced conversions during his reign and a large number of Kashmiri Hindus migrated from Kashmir.

However, Budshah brought these back as soon as he ascended the throne. In fact, he enacted special legislation for the return and rehabilitation of Pandits. He also put them in prominent positions in the state administration.


Kashmir stayed as an independent sovereign state with a Muslim majority till Mughals annexed it to their empire in 1586. Mughals were followed by Afghans and Sikhs and ultimately Kashmir was purchased by Dogras from the British and became a part of their Kingdom. During all these years of outside occupation, the Muslim character of the State remained unchanged. It continued to be a Muslim majority state. However, due to peaceful spread of Islam by the preachers from Iran and the growth of a cult of Sufis known as Rishis, the Kashmir society developed more tolerant than in other parts of the sub-continent. One more reason given is the presence of only a miniscule Hindu minority. In most other parts of the sub-continent especially in the northern part, there was almost equal strength of two religions. In Kashmir, the Hindu minority of Pandits virtually absorbed itself into the society because of the very tolerant nature of local Muslims. Moreover, even after conversion, Muslims retained quite a number of ancient traditions basically of a Hindu character. Kashmir developed a special type of mystic Islam around various saints and preachers. During their colonization the Kashmiris suffered equally at the hands of outside Muslim and non-Muslim rulers.


The partition of the sub-continent created a confusing situation. Pandit Nehru fully knowing the history of the land of his ancestors wanted to make Kashmir a part of the newly created Hindu republic. He was very much enamoured of the glory of Hindu Kashmir of the past and totally disregarded its Muslim present. This obsession of keeping Kashmir as part of the Hindu majority Indian republic continues even today. Most of the Indians want Kashmir to remain with India because of its Hindu past and not because of its Muslim present. The phenomenal increase in Amarnath Yatra, a Hindu pilgrimage not very much known even in ancient Hindu Kashmir is a stark proof of a massive attempt at connecting it to Hindu India! Thus Kashmiris though at present followers of Islam are haunted by their Hindu past. Similar is the case with Pakistan.


In 1947, majority of Kashmiri Muslims felt that their emancipation was in becoming a part of Muslim Pakistan even though their leaders thought otherwise. The dithering by the local leaders was the shabby treatment Kashmiri Muslims had been receiving at the hands of Punjabi Muslims as also the utopian visions of secularism, socialism, and tolerance projected by the Indian leaders like Pandit Nehru. The past suffering at the hands of Afghans erroneously considered Pathans, also played a part in the psyche of Kashmiris. On their part Pakistanis were more interested in Kashmir than Kashmiris which was evident from the scorn exhibited by the Pakistani leaders towards Kashmir’s popular leaders. In addition, the hatred the Pakistani Muslims had towards Indian Hindus due to bloody riots all over the sub-continent was missing in Kashmir which had remained free from these horrendous happenings. The sympathy expressed by Kashmiris towards Pakistan was more because of their suppression by Hindu India. It was more a tool to beat Indians at their game of secularism than Kashmiris’ love for the Jihadi type of Islam prevalent in Pakistan.


Over the years, the extremist nature of religion in Pakistan has been driving Kashmiris slowly away from their earlier love for it. More and more Kashmiris are now for an Independent Kashmir with less extremist variety of the majority religion of Islam. In spite of the Jihadi extremism of last two decades, Kashmiris continue to profess their own brand of Sufi Islam. Thus, the present situation has put Kashmiris in a dichotomy. On the one hand is India obsessive with its Hindu past and on the other hand is extremist Pakistan considering Kashmir’s liberation and annexation as a victory for Islam.

"When we choose not to focus on what's missing from our lives but are grateful for the abundance that's present...
we experience heaven on earth."

INSIDE MAN

source:The Economist

INDIA SUFFERS FROM HIGHEST INFLATION IN WORLD

source:The Economist

source:The Economist

Introducing Bangladesh

 

Overview
Europeans began to set up trading posts in the area of Bangladesh in the 16th century; eventually the British came to dominate the region and it became part of British India. In 1947, West Pakistan and East Bengal (both primarily Muslim) separated from India (largely Hindu) and jointly became the new country of Pakistan. East Bengal became East Pakistan in 1955, but the awkward arrangement of a two-part country with its territorial units separated by 1,600 km left the Bengalis marginalized and dissatisfied. East Pakistan seceded from its union with West Pakistan in 1971 and was renamed Bangladesh. A military-backed, emergency caretaker regime suspended parliamentary elections planned for January 2007 in an effort to reform the political system and root out corruption. In contrast to the strikes and violent street rallies that had marked Bangladeshi politics in previous years, the parliamentary elections finally held in late December 2008 were mostly peaceful and Sheikh HASINA Wajed was reelected prime minister. About a third of this extremely poor country floods annually during the monsoon rainy season, hampering economic development.

Official Name : The People's Republic Of Bangladesh
Location : Southern Asia, bordering the Bay of Bengal, between Burma and India. Latitude between 20 degree 34' and 26 degree 39' north. Longitude between 88 degree 00' and 92 degree 41' east.
Area : 144,000 sq. km.
Climate : Main seasons : Winter (Nov - Feb), Summer (Mar - Jun), Monsoon (Jul - Oct). Temp : Max 34 degree Celsius, Min 8 degree Celsius.
Rainfall : Lowest 47" and highest 136"
Capital : Dhaka (Present area 414 sq. km. Master plan 777 sq.km.)
Population : 158,065,841 (July 2010 est.)
State Language : Bangla. English is also widely spoken and understood
National Days : National Martyrs Day - February 21 Independence Day - March 26 Victory Day - December 16
Principal Rivers: Padma, Meghna, Jamuna, Brahmaputra, Madhumati, Surma and Kushiara
Principal Crops : Jute, rice, tobacco, tea, sugarcane, vegetables, potato, pulses, etc.
Major Industries : Jute, sugar, paper, textiles, fertilizers, cigeratte, cement, steel, natural gas, oil-refinery, newsprint, power generation, rayon, matches, fishing and food processing, leather, soap, carpet, timber, ship-building, telephone, etc.
Sea Ports : Chittagong and Mongla
Airports : Zia international airport, Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet, domestic airports at Chittagong, Jessore, Sylhet, Cox's Bazar, Rajshahi and Saidpur

Main Tourist Attractions : Colorful tribal life, longest sea beach, centuries' old archeological sites, home of the Royal Bengal Tiger, largest tea gardens, interesting riverine life, etc.

Currency : The unit of currency is the Taka. Notes are in denominations of 1,2,5,10,20,50,100 and 500 Taka. Coins are 1,5,10,25,50 and 100 Paisa (100 Paisa = 1 Taka)

Government Type: Parliamentary democracy
Executive Branch:
Chief of State: President Zillur RAHMAN (since 12 February 2009)
Head of Government: Prime Minister Sheikh HASINA Wajed (since 6 January 2009)
Cabinet: Cabinet selected by the Prime Minister and appointed by the President
Elections: President elected by National Parliament for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); last election held on 11 February 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Legislative Branch: Unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial constituencies; members serve five-year terms.
Elections: Last held on 29 December 2008 (next to be held in 2013)
Judicial Branch: Supreme Court (the chief justices and other judges are appointed by the president)
Political Parties and Leaders: Awami League or AL [Sheikh HASINA]; Bangladesh Communist Party or BCP [Manjurul A. KHAN]; Bangladesh Nationalist Party or BNP [Khaleda ZIA]; Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh or BDB [Badrudozza CHOWDHURY]; Islami Oikya Jote or IOJ [Mufti Fazlul Haq AMINI]; Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh or JIB [Matiur Rahman NIZAMI]; Jatiya Party or JP (Ershad faction) [Hussain Mohammad ERSHAD]; Liberal Democratic Party or LDP [Oli AHMED]
Economy | Overview
The economy has grown 5-6% per year since 1996 despite political instability, poor infrastructure, corruption, insufficient power supplies, and slow implementation of economic reforms. Bangladesh remains a poor, overpopulated, and inefficiently-governed nation. Although more than half of GDP is generated through the service sector, about 45% of Bangladeshis are employed in the agriculture sector, with rice as the single-most-important product. Bangladesh's growth was resilient during the 2008-09 global financial crisis and recession. Garment exports, totaling $12.3 billion in FY09 and remittances from overseas Bangladeshis totaling $9.7 billion in FY09 accounted for almost 25% of GDP.

 

Hundreds of tents of devotees, participating in the annual Magh Mela festival are erected at Sangam in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. Photo: AP

Volunteers rehearse for the Republic Day celebrations in Bhubaneswar, Orissa. Photo: PTI

A pair of buffalos lock horns during a traditional buffalo fight on the occasion of Magh Bihu at Ahotguri, Assam. Photo: AP

President's bodyguards after the swearing-in ceremony for the new ministers of Union Council at the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

Introducing Sri Lanka

 

Background: The first Sinhalese arrived in Sri Lanka late in the 6th century B.C. probably from northern India. Buddhism was introduced in about the mid-third century B.C., and a great civilization developed at the cities of Anuradhapura (kingdom from circa 200 B.C. to circa A.D. 1000) and Polonnaruwa (from about 1070 to 1200).
In the 14th century, a south Indian dynasty established a Tamil kingdom in northern Sri Lanka. The coastal areas of the island were controlled by the Portuguese in the 16th century and by the Dutch in the 17th century. The island was ceded to the British in 1796, became a crown colony in 1802, and was united under British rule by 1815. As Ceylon, it became independent in 1948; its name was changed to Sri Lanka in 1972.
Tensions between the Sinhalese majority and Tamil separatists erupted into war in 1983. After two decades of fighting, the government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) formalized a cease-fire in February 2002 with Norway brokering peace negotiations. Violence between the LTTE and government forces intensified in 2006 and the government regained control of the Eastern Province in 2007. In May 2009, the government announced that its military had finally defeated the remnants of the LTTE and that its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, had been killed.
Location: Southern Asia, island in the Indian Ocean, south of India
Total area: 65,610 sq km
Climate: Tropical climate. Upland areas are cooler and more temperate, and coastal areas are cooled by sea breezes. There are two monsoons, which occur May to July and December to January.
Terrain: Mostly low, flat to rolling plain; mountains in south-central interior
Population: 21,513,990
Ethnic groups: Sinhalese 73.8%, Sri Lankan Moors 7.2%, Indian Tamil 4.6%, Sri Lankan Tamil 3.9%, other 0.5%, unspecified 10% (2001 census provisional data)
Religions: Buddhist 69.1%, Muslim 7.6%, Hindu 7.1%, Christian 6.2%, unspecified 10% (2001 census provisional data)
Languages: Sinhala (official and national language) 74%, Tamil (national language) 18%, other 8% Note: English is commonly used in government and is spoken competently by about 10% of the population
Government Type: Republic
Executive Branch:
Chief of State: President Mahinda Percy Rajapaksa (since 19 November 2005); note - the president is both the chief of state and head of government; Dissanayake Mudiyanselage JAYARATNE holds the largely ceremonial title of prime minister (since 21 April 2010)
Head of Government: President Mahinda Percy Rajapaksa (since 19 November 2005)
Cabinet: Cabinet appointed by the president in consultation with the prime minister
Elections: President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (two-term limit); election last held on 26 January 2010 (next to be held in 2016)
Election results: Mahinda Rajapaksa reelected president for second term; percent of vote - Mahinda Rajapaksa 57.88%, Sarath Fonseka 40.15%, other 1.97%
Legislative Branch: Unicameral Parliament (225 seats; members elected by popular vote on the basis of an open-list, proportional representation system by electoral district to serve six-year terms)
Elections: Last held on 8 April 2010 with a repoll in two electorates held on 20 April 2010 (next to be held in April 2016)
Election results: Percent of vote by alliance or party - United People's Freedom Alliance 60.93%, United National Party 29.34%, Democratic National Alliance 5.49%, Tamil National Alliance 2.9%, other 1.94%; seats by alliance or party - United People's Freedom Alliance 144, United National Party 60, Tamil National Alliance 14, Democratic National Alliance 7
Judicial Branch: Supreme Court; Court of Appeals; judges for both courts are appointed by the president
Political Parties and Leaders: All Ceylon Tamil Congress or ACTC [G.PONNAMBALAM]; Ceylon Workers Congress or CWC [Arumugam THONDAMAN]; Communist Party or CP [D. GUNASEKERA]; Democratic People's Front [Mano GANESAN]; Eelam People's Democratic Party or EPDP [Douglas DEVANANDA]; Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front or EPRLF [Suresh PREMACHANDRAN]; Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna or JVP [Somawansa AMARASINGHE]; Lanka Sama Samaja Party or LSSP [Tissa VITHARANA]; Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (People's United Front) or MEP [D. GUNAWARDENE]; National Freedom Front [Wimal WEERAWANSA]; National Heritage Party or JHU [Ellawala METHANANDA]; National Unity Alliance or NUA [Ferial ASHRAFF]; People's Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam or PLOTE [D. SIDHARTHAN]; Sri Lanka Freedom Party or SLFP [Mahinda RAJAPAKSA]; Sri Lanka Muslim Congress or SLMC [Rauff HAKEEM]; Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization or TELO [Selvam ADAIKALANATHAN]); Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal or TMVP [Chandrakanthan SIVANESATHURAI, aka "PILLAIYAN"] (paramilitary breakaway from LTTE operating as a political party); Tamil National Alliance or TNA [R. SAMPANTHAN]; Tamil United Liberation Front or TULF [V. ANANDASANGAREE]; United National Party or UNP [Ranil WICKREMASINGHE]; Up-country People's Front or UPF
Economy | overview
In 1977, Colombo abandoned statist- and import substitution-policies for more market- and export-oriented policies, including encouragement of foreign investment. Sri Lanka suffered through a brutal civil war from 1983 to 2009. Despite the war, Sri Lanka saw GDP growth average nearly 5% in the last 10 years. Government spending on development and fighting the LTTE drove GDP growth to around 6-7% per year in 2006-08. Growth was 3.5% in 2009, still high despite the world recession. Sri Lanka's most dynamic sectors are now food processing, textiles and apparel, food and beverages, port construction, telecommunications, and insurance and banking. About 1.5 million Sri Lankans work abroad, 90% of them in the Middle East.
They send home more than $3 billion a year. President RAJAPAKSA's reelection in 2010 means that the Government of Sri Lanka will likely continue its more statist economic approach, that seeks to reduce poverty by steering investment to disadvantaged areas, developing small and medium enterprises, promoting agriculture, and expanding the already enormous civil service. The end of the 26-year conflict with the LTTE has opened the door for reconstruction and development projects in the north and east. Funding these projects will be difficult, as the government already is faced with high debt interest payments, a bloated civil service, and high budget deficits.
The 2008-09 global financial crisis and recession exposed Sri Lanka's economic vulnerabilities and nearly caused a balance of payments crisis, which was alleviated by a $2.6 billion IMF standby agreement in July 2009. But the end of the civil war and the IMF loan restored investors' confidence. The Sri Lankan stock market gained over 100% in 2009, one of the best performing markets in the world. Official foreign reserves improved to more than $5 billion by November 2009, providing over 6 months of imports cover.


(Source: CIA World Factbook)

Of China and the Arunachal Factor

Of China and the Arunachal Factor


Discerning observers of the history of India-China boundary disputes in Delhi have said that the latest Chinese move may be noteworthy but cautioned against making bold conclusions about a positive change in Beijing’s approach to Arunachal Pradesh

THE REALITY MIRROR

What is China up to? Is its latest action of issuing stapled visas to two persons from Arunachal Pradesh — which it lays claim to in entirety — a positive gesture, given that the Chinese embassy in Delhi had refused to give visa to a senior IAS officer from the State, Ganesh Koyu, in 2007, or is it another way of asserting that the State is a disputed territory because it is actually ‘‘southern Tibet’’? What are the Chinese intentions?

Indian Weightlifting Federation joint secretary Abraham K Techi and noted weightlifter Yukar Sibi, both hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, were to leave for Beijing on January 12 at the invitation of the Chinese Weightlifting Association president on behalf of the China Weightlifting Grand Prix that was scheduled in Fujian from January 15 to 17. The duo, however, were in for a shock when officials at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi prevented them from boarding their flight because of the stapled visas issued to them by the Chinese embassy in the national capital. Techi contacted the embassy during the day only to be informed that ‘‘the right visa was issued to the Arunachal Pradesh men’’.

Reacting to the episode, Techi said, ‘‘This is an insult to and an unnecessary harassment for the people of Arunachal Pradesh’’. On January 13, Defence Minister AK Anthony said, ‘‘Stapled visas are unacceptable to India. It has been conveyed to China. We will not accept it.’’

China also issues stapled visas to the residents of Jammu and Kashmir, saying it is a ‘‘disputed’’ territory. In fact, a few months ago, China had described Jammu and Kashmir as ‘‘India-occupied territory’’ while calling Pakistan-occupied Kashmir ‘‘the northern part of Pakistan’’.

In view of China’s extension of its stapled-visa regime from Jammu and Kashmir to Arunachal Pradesh, the most obvious question is whether China has shifted its stand from a no-visa-for-Arunachal-people policy to a visa-possible regime with a rider, and whether by doing so it has moved towards normalizing ties with India in a phased manner. That is, is it that China has changed the description of Arunachal Pradesh from ‘‘a Chinese territory’’ to a merely ‘‘disputed territory’’ as it does with Jammu and Kashmir? Does that mean India and China are warming up to each other?

On January 17, the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman told PTI that ‘‘China’s position is consistent and clear about the China-India border issue, including the disputed area of the eastern section’’, that ‘‘the Indian side is aware of it’’, and that ‘‘the (Chinese) position has remained unchanged’’. The eastern section of the China-India border covers the Arunachal Pradesh sector, which is part of the dialogue mechanism to resolve it.

Though the Chinese Foreign Ministry has not clarified whether the issuance of stapled visas means any departure from its previous policy of not granting the people of Arunachal Pradesh any visas at all, Rong Ying, a senior research fellow at the state-run China Institute of International Studies, has said that while his country’s stand on the Arunachal Pradesh ‘‘dispute’’ has remained unchanged, the stapled visas to two Arunachal Pradesh persons could be a ‘‘pragmatic’’ step to allow Arunachal Pradesh people to visit China. He has said that both sides have to be ‘‘pragmatic’’, keeping the ‘‘reality’’ into consideration.

What is the ‘‘reality’’? Is it that for China, Arunachal Pradesh is still a Chinese territory? Or is it that it is a ‘‘disputed’’ territory on which both sides should deliberate to arrive at a negotiated solution of the ‘‘problem’’? What is remarkable this time is that China has refrained from using the long-used description ‘‘Chinese territory’’ for Arunachal Pradesh, calling it only ‘‘disputed’’. Yet there is no clarity. The point is whether by ‘‘disputed’’ China still means Arunachal Pradesh is its territory, or whether its characteristic hegemonic ego has come as a deterrent to admitting that there has been a pragmatic policy shift towards normalizing the strained relationship with India in view of the huge potential of business between the two countries.

Noted strategic affairs analyst C Raja Mohan has talked of ‘‘other voices indicating an important evolution’’ of the India-China relationship. He has quoted Hu Shisheng, a leading South Asia hand at the state-run China Institute of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR), as saying that the decision to grant stapled visas to people from Arunachal Pradesh is a possible ‘‘concession’’ to India as China had been saying that ‘‘the people of Arunachal Pradesh do not need visa as it is part of China’’. Hu, who is the deputy director of the Institute for South and South Asian Studies at the CICIR, says that ‘‘there must have been a change in policy for such a thing to happen’’.

Raja, however, says that ‘‘former diplomats who have negotiated with China on the boundary dispute wonder if the move is merely a tactical one aimed at improving the atmospherics of Sino-Indian relations’’, and ‘‘they point out that as an administrative decision, China’s latest move on Arunachal visas could easily be reversed’’.

China might be indulging in a subterfuge. While it could be trying to escape international criticism for being bellicose on the ‘‘issue’’ of Arunachal Pradesh as well as impressing on the international community that it has moved a step forward towards an amicable settlement of all vexed issues with India, Beijing might also be using the stapled-visa ‘‘positive’’ movement as a mere expedient, clinging on, in reality, to the thesis that not just Tawang but the rest of Arunachal Pradesh too is Chinese territory. This is the reason why discerning observers of the history of India-China boundary disputes in Delhi have said that the latest Chinese move may be noteworthy but cautioned against making bold conclusions about a positive change in Beijing’s approach to Arunachal Pradesh.

China cannot be trusted. It has in recent years allowed its strategic affairs experts to run very vitriolic commentaries against India in state-run media outlets like The People’s Daily, including the one that talks of the possibility of India being splintered into 20-30 independent states. China is also discomfited by India’s Look East Policy, which some of its strategic affairs analysts have derided in recent times. And the most important factor that prompts China to work meticulously on its ‘‘string of pearls’’ strategy — which involves developing excellent sea lanes of communication right from Hong Kong to Sudan, encircling India in that sense — is the rise of India.

That apart, on January 18, China officially launched its state-run mapping website called ‘‘Map World’’ rivalling Google Earth and showing both Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin in Jammu and Kashmir as part of its territory!

While we want a balanced flourish of relations with China, New Delhi must ensure that the neighbour’s ruse if any is neutralized effectively. New Delhi can do that.

Bikash Sarmah

Introduce to you the School of Inspired Leadership (SOIL)

We humbly introduce to you the School of Inspired Leadership (SOIL). Inspired by the teachings of Pujya Gurudev, based on Chinmaya values, SOIL is a business school based in Gurgaon, INDIA, that provides a transformational learning experience that has been designed to harness the true potential of young minds in management education. SOIL has been founded by Anil Sachdev, a devotee of Pujya Gurudev and an active member of Chinmaya Mission who has spent his life in spreading HIS message. SOIL’s philosophy is based on the five pillars of mindfulness, compassion, ethics, sustainability and diversity.

The foundation of SOIL was laid down by Pujya Guruji, Swami Tejomayanadaji on 5^th November, 2008. By Lords grace and blessings of well wishers, SOIL is now entering into 3^rd year of its operation. The highlights of education at SOIL include

a.       Social Innovation Programme: 1 day every week all students spend time at NGO’s of their choice working for a purpose close to their heart

b.      Mentoring: Every student has a senior industry leader as mentor who guides him/her through the learning journey

c.       Industry Interface: Heightened interactions with industry practitioners through multiple platforms such as academies, leadership series, internships.

d.      International Faculty & unique curriculum: Leading faculty from across the globe teach courses of relevance for planet and leadership development. http://www.soilindia.net/soil-faculty.html  

SOIL currently offers 3 full time one year post graduate programs.

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A select Industry Consortium of corporate firms who share SOIL's vision and ethos is invited to partner with SOIL to enhance mutual learning and standards in higher education. Some of these companies are Hindustan Unilever, Infosys, Glaxo SmithKline, Johnson & Johnson etc. This network of reputed companies help impart overall direction to curriculum design, participate in the admission process, review the quality of teaching, learning & industry research and lead the placement process. To read more on the Industry consortium please visit http://www.soilindia.net/industry-consortium.html

SOIL invites bright young minds from Chinmaya family to come and avail this opportunity of transformational learning. May we request you to kindly connect us with members of Chinmaya family who would be looking at higher education in management. We are actively seeking to identify meritorious and gifted individuals who would be interested in our course. SOIL would be keen to offer scholarships to deserving candidates. We would be delighted to fund part or full cost of attending any of the SOIL programs for meritorious students who would not be able to finance the cost of attending our programs yet truly deserve to be a part of the SOIL student community. Kindly write back to inspired@soilindia.net with the name, email and phone number of the nominee and we will get in touch with them.

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If you have any queries, you can get back to us over email or call at the numbers 91 – 0124 - 4302222 / 91- 98713 39158

Thanking you.

Yours in the Service of the LORD

Adwaita Govind Menon

CHYK & Member of SOIL Family

*GDP per person employed
Data Source: The Economist

Introducing Bhutan

Background
Bhutan is a landlocked country. It is about 47,000 kilometres - roughly the size of Switzerland. It is located between Tibet in the north, Indian states of West Bengal and Assam in the south, and Arunachal Pradesh in the east.

In 1865, Britain and Bhutan signed the Treaty of Sinchulu, under which Bhutan would receive an annual subsidy in exchange for ceding some border land to British India. Under British influence, a monarchy was set up in 1907; three years later, a treaty was signed whereby the British agreed not to interfere in Bhutanese internal affairs and Bhutan allowed Britain to direct its foreign affairs. This role was assumed by independent India after 1947.
Two years later, a formal Indo-Bhutanese accord returned the areas of Bhutan annexed by the British, formalized the annual subsidies the country received, and defined India's responsibilities in defense and foreign relations. A refugee issue of over 100,000 Bhutanese in Nepal remains unresolved; 90% of the refugees are housed in seven United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) camps.
In March 2005, King Jigme Singye WANGCHUCK unveiled the government's draft constitution - which would introduce major democratic reforms - and pledged to hold a national referendum for its approval. In December 2006, the King abdicated the throne to his son, Jigme Khesar Namgyel WANGCHUCK, in order to give him experience as head of state before the democratic transition. In early 2007, India and Bhutan renegotiated their treaty to allow Bhutan greater autonomy in conducting its foreign policy, although Thimphu continues to coordinate policy decisions in this area with New Delhi. In July 2007, seven ministers of Bhutan's ten-member cabinet resigned to join the political process, and the cabinet acted as a caretaker regime until democratic elections for seats to the country's first parliament were completed in March 2008. The king ratified the country's first constitution in July 2008.
Location: Southern Asia, between China and India
Area total: 38,394 sq km
Climate: Current weather varies; tropical in southern plains; cool winters and hot summers in central valleys; severe winters and cool summers in Himalayas
Terrain: Mostly mountainous with some fertile valleys and savanna
Population: 699,847
Ethnic groups: Bhote 50%, ethnic Nepalese 35% (includes Lhotsampas - one of several Nepalese ethnic groups), indigenous or migrant tribes 15%
Religions: Lamaistic Buddhist 75%, Indian- and Nepalese-influenced Hinduism 25%
Languages: Dzongkha (official), Bhotes speak various Tibetan dialects, Nepalese speak various Nepalese dialects
Government type: Constitutional Monarchy
Executive Branch:
Chief of State: King Jigme Khesar Namgyel WANGCHUCK (since 14 December 2006); Note - King Jigme Singye WANGCHUCK abdicated the throne on 14 December 2006 and his son immediately succeeded him; the nearly two-year delay between the former King's abdication and his son's coronation on 6 November 2008 was to ensure an astrologically auspicious coronation date and to give the new king, who had limited experience, deeper administrative expertise under the guidance of this father
Head of Government: Prime Minister Jigme THINLEY (since 9 April 2008)
Cabinet: Council of Ministers (Lhengye Shungtsog) nominated by the monarch, approved by the National Assembly; members serve fixed, five-year terms; note - there is also a Royal Advisory Council (Lodoi Tsokde); members are nominated by the monarch
Elections: The monarchy is hereditary, but democratic reforms in July 1998 grant the National Assembly authority to remove the monarch with two-thirds vote; election of a new National Assembly occurred in March 2008; the leader of the majority party nominated as the prime minister
Legislative Branch: Bicameral Parliament consists of the non-partisan National Council (25 seats; 20 members elected by each of the 20 electoral districts (dzongkhags) for four-year terms and 5 members nominated by the King); and the National Assembly (47 seats; members elected by direct, popular vote for five-year terms)
Elections: National Council elections last held on 31 December 2007 and 29 January 2008 (next to be held by December 2012); National Assembly elections last held on 24 March 2008 (next to be held by March 2013)
Election results: National Council - NA; National Assembly - percent of vote by party - DPT 67%, PDP 33%; seats by party - DPT 45, PDP 2
Judicial Branch: Supreme Court of Appeal (the monarch); High Court (judges appointed by the monarch); note - the draft constitution establishes a Supreme Court that will serve as chief court of appeal
Political Parties and Leaders: Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party (Druk Phuensum Tshogpa) or DPT [Jigme THINLEY]; People's Democratic Party or PDP [Tshering TOBGAY]
Economy | overview
The economy, one of the world's smallest and least developed, is based on agriculture and forestry, which provide the main livelihood for more than 60% of the population. Agriculture consists largely of subsistence farming and animal husbandry. Rugged mountains dominate the terrain and make the building of roads and other infrastructure difficult and expensive. The economy is closely aligned with India's through strong trade and monetary links and dependence on India's financial assistance. The industrial sector is technologically backward, with most production of the cottage industry type. Most development projects, such as road construction, rely on Indian migrant labor. Model education, social, and environment programs are underway with support from multilateral development organizations.
Each economic program takes into account the government's desire to protect the country's environment and cultural traditions. For example, the government, in its cautious expansion of the tourist sector, encourages visits by upscale, environmentally conscientious tourists. Detailed controls and uncertain policies in areas such as industrial licensing, trade, labor, and finance continue to hamper foreign investment. Hydropower exports to India have boosted Bhutan's overall growth. New hydropower projects will be the driving force behind Bhutan's ability to create employment and sustain growth in the coming years.

(Source: CIA World Factbook)