FoF Tax Treatment
What is the tax treatment on fund of fund schemes?
— Vikas Yadav
The tax treatment on a fund of fund (FoF) scheme is similar to those of debt funds, because all FoFs are treated as debt funds as far as tax treatment is concerned. The short-term capital gain on debt funds is added to the taxable income of an individual and is taxed as per the applicable tax slab. The long-term capital gain is taxed at 11.33 per cent without indexation or 22.66 per cent with indexation.
SOURCE:VALUE RESEARCH
Saturday, September 3, 2011
Post Offices to Provide Visa Related Services In Remote Areas
India Post Signs MOU with M/S VFS Global to this Effect
India Post has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with M/s VFS Global to provide visa related services for different countries through Post Offices. Memorandum of Understanding between India Post and M/s VFS Global was signed here on 30.08.2011 in the presence of Secretary, Department of Posts and senior officers from Department of Posts and VFS Global. The MOU sets out broad understandings and intentions of both the parties to provide visa related services at places where they are not currently available.
Post Office counters will be used for fee collections, providing visa applications forms, dissemination of visa information, biometric enrollment and other visa application process related services. India Post and VFS are also planning to cooperate in utilizing India Post’s courier service, Speed Post for movements of passports to VFS offices and concerned embassies, and their delivery back to the applicants. Both the parties will also explore to provide any other service that India Post may want to provide through VFS global network on mutually accepted terms.
M/s VFS Global is in the business of visa application services and is working with 35 governments across the world with over 450 offices in 50 countries. India Post and VFS realize that there are many areas of mutual interest and synergy between India Post and VFS would benefit the public at large.
Currently visa related services are largely available in metros only and the people from smaller cities and rural areas have to travel long distances in order to avail these services. Lack of information is also a major area of concern as this allows unscrupulous elements to cheat unsuspecting and vulnerable people. Engagement of India Post towards provision of visa related services is expected to address this situation to a large extent.
India Post Signs MOU with M/S VFS Global to this Effect
India Post has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with M/s VFS Global to provide visa related services for different countries through Post Offices. Memorandum of Understanding between India Post and M/s VFS Global was signed here on 30.08.2011 in the presence of Secretary, Department of Posts and senior officers from Department of Posts and VFS Global. The MOU sets out broad understandings and intentions of both the parties to provide visa related services at places where they are not currently available.
Post Office counters will be used for fee collections, providing visa applications forms, dissemination of visa information, biometric enrollment and other visa application process related services. India Post and VFS are also planning to cooperate in utilizing India Post’s courier service, Speed Post for movements of passports to VFS offices and concerned embassies, and their delivery back to the applicants. Both the parties will also explore to provide any other service that India Post may want to provide through VFS global network on mutually accepted terms.
M/s VFS Global is in the business of visa application services and is working with 35 governments across the world with over 450 offices in 50 countries. India Post and VFS realize that there are many areas of mutual interest and synergy between India Post and VFS would benefit the public at large.
Currently visa related services are largely available in metros only and the people from smaller cities and rural areas have to travel long distances in order to avail these services. Lack of information is also a major area of concern as this allows unscrupulous elements to cheat unsuspecting and vulnerable people. Engagement of India Post towards provision of visa related services is expected to address this situation to a large extent.
Friday, September 2, 2011
It is a long journey ahead: Kejriwal
Arvind Kejriwal
'We want to pressure the government and assert our rights as citizens.'
Arvind Kejriwal received the Magsaysay award in the Emergent leadership category in 2006. A mere five years later, he has far surpassed that milestone, winning acclaim and notice for the way he conceived and crafted Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement. He talks to Vidya Subrahmaniam about the Jan Lokpal campaign, what it accomplished and why it often became controversial.
The scale and spread of the Anna movement have baffled many. How did this happen?
A movement cannot be created out of nothing. In this case, anger against corruption was at the point of eruption. Then two things happened. One, instead of merely echoing the anger, the Jan Lokpal Bill (JLB) offered a solution. Second, Anna emerged as a credible leader at a time of huge leadership crisis in politics. See, people did not understand the details of the JBL. They simply saw it as a “dawai” [medicine] for corruption. It is the combination of a solution and a figure like Anna — who lived in a temple with no assets — that clicked.
When we conducted referendums on the JLB, we used to try and explain its contents to people. But they said they did not want to understand the details. They just wanted to put a mohar [stamp] on Anna.
How did you communicate your message to such a large number of people?
Technology played a key role in this. When in January this year, India Against Corruption (IAC) member Shivendra suggested to us that we use Facebook to publicise our rallies, I dismissed it saying Facebook has a limited, urban following. But Shivendra went ahead. We had planned a single rally on January 30 at the Ramlila Maidan. But because we connected on Facebook, we were able to conduct simultaneous rallies in 64 cities. SMS texting also played a critical role. Our SMS communication was designed very intelligently. A company in Mumbai suggested we ask for missed calls as a mark of solidarity. Missed calls cost nothing. In March, we sent out two crore SMS messages and got 50,000 missed calls. Then we targeted the 50,000 callers, asking if they would like to enrol as volunteers for IAC. Initially 13 people responded. We sent two more rounds of messages to the 50,000 callers. And in just one week, the number of volunteers swelled to 800.
Surely television played a disproportionate role in projecting the movement.
TV certainly helped, both when Anna sat on a fast at Jantar Mantar and then at Ramlila Maidan. But the media cannot create a moment. They can at best magnify it. The crowds at Ramlila and the crowds that followed him when he left for Medanta hospital were not manufactured.
There have been reports of dissensions within the Anna camp. Also that the deadlock was broken only because Congress/government negotiators spoke directly to Anna.
Anna appointed Kiran Bedi, Prashant Bhushan and me to negotiate with the government. One day I was very tired and Kiran was also not around. So, Medha and Prashant went for the meeting. The next thing we hear [from the media] is that Kiran and I have been sidelined, that we are hardliners, and we are deliberately preventing Anna from breaking his fast. This was disinformation by the government.
You started with the maximalist position of “Jan Lokpal Bill by August 30 and any amendments only with Anna's permission.” From that to accepting a “sense-of-the-house” resolution that was not voted upon — wasn't it a climbdown?
When we started on August 16, there was such an overwhelming response that we thought the government would agree to our demands. People wanted the JLB. After a few days we realised that there was a serious leadership crisis in the government — negotiators were constantly backing off. In the last three days of the fast, it happened four times. The Prime Minister made a conciliatory statement, Rahul Gandhi went off on a tangent. Salman Khurshid, Medha and Prashant sat together and drafted a resolution. Next day [August 27], at 1.30 p.m., Salman said no resolution. It became clear to us that what we wanted — Parliament voting on a resolution containing Anna's three demands — was not going to happen. Therefore we had to change our strategy.
Are you satisfied with the resolution that was adopted? It is not categorical and leaves escape clauses.
We are satisfied because it contains Anna's three demands. It will not be easy for the Standing Committee to renege on Parliament's commitment. We will be keenly watching the Committee's proceedings and the MPs also ought to know that they are on watch. I know, of course, that it is a long journey ahead.
Kiran Bedi told a TV channel that at one point when all seemed lost, a miracle happened: L.K. Advani called her and gave her his word that a solution will be reached by the following evening [August 27]. She also said that the Bharatiya Janata Party, which until then was ambiguous on the JLB, changed its stand and offered full support to Anna.
We met the leaders of the main political parties thrice and as part of this we also met Mr. Advani. However, we have been clear that no BJP leader or leader of any communal organisation will share the stage with us. This is the decision of our core committee. As for Kiran talking about Mr. Advani, please put that question to her.
So are you an apolitical movement?
No, we are political but we are concerned with people's politics. The movement will always remain outside of political parties and outside of electoral politics.
You will not float a political party?
No, never. We don't need to get into the system to fight it. We want to pressure the government and assert our rights as citizens. Everyone who has a dream need not get into politics.
Doubts have been raised about the credentials of those who have donated money to IAC. Sometime ago, a citizens' group from Hyderabad wrote to you saying it was shocked to see some very discredited names in your list of donors.
A number of people have contributed money to the Anna movement. There is complete transparency from our side. Our receipts and expenditure are transparent. But we have no mechanism to go into the antecedents of our donors. And donations are streaming in, making it impossible to keep track. If there is a glaring case, we will certainly investigate it. I know, for instance, that there has been talk of the Jindal group. But those who donated to IAC are from Sitaram Jindal, not the Jindal mining group.
Your entire fight is about transparency and accountability. One of your NGOs, Public Cause Research Foundation, received donations on behalf of IAC and issued receipts in its name. But until August 29, there was no mention of Anna or the donations on the PCRF website.
That is an oversight. We will immediately update the website and provide a link to IAC.
Another of your NGOs, Kabir, received grants from the Ford Foundation (FF). According to the FF, Kabir received $172,000 in 2005 and $197,000 in 2008. The FF also sanctioned an “in-principle” grant of $200,000 for 2011, which you have not accepted so far. Why does Kabir not mention the FF and these specific details on its website?
We did not give the specific details because we also got some other NRI contributions and these were clubbed together. I will make sure that the website gives the break-up.
Fears have been expressed about the form of mobilisation we saw over the last four months. There was anger and impatience and, some would say, coercion in your methods. During the Ram Rath yatra, too, the BJP said people were angry because the mandir had not been built for 40 years. Aren't you setting a worrying precedent?
The two situations are not comparable. One was communal and divisive and went against the grain of the Constitution. We are not asking for anything illegal. Our demands resonate with the people and our movement has been unifying, non-violent and entirely within rights given by the Constitution. What is wrong if people demand a strong law against corruption? What is wrong if they ask for the Jan Lokpal Bill?
Why did you ask for Parliamentary due process to be suspended? You didn't want the JLB to go to the Standing Committee.
The JLB was drafted after wide consultations; it underwent many revisions based on feedback. Where is this kind of discussion in the drafting of any sarkari Bill? The purpose of the Standing Committee is to take multiple views on board. But not all Bills reach the Standing Committee, and in 90 per cent of the cases, the government does not accept the Committee's recommendations. So why the fuss only for JLB which has been widely discussed and debated?
source:The Hindu
Arvind Kejriwal
'We want to pressure the government and assert our rights as citizens.'
Arvind Kejriwal received the Magsaysay award in the Emergent leadership category in 2006. A mere five years later, he has far surpassed that milestone, winning acclaim and notice for the way he conceived and crafted Anna Hazare's anti-corruption movement. He talks to Vidya Subrahmaniam about the Jan Lokpal campaign, what it accomplished and why it often became controversial.
The scale and spread of the Anna movement have baffled many. How did this happen?
A movement cannot be created out of nothing. In this case, anger against corruption was at the point of eruption. Then two things happened. One, instead of merely echoing the anger, the Jan Lokpal Bill (JLB) offered a solution. Second, Anna emerged as a credible leader at a time of huge leadership crisis in politics. See, people did not understand the details of the JBL. They simply saw it as a “dawai” [medicine] for corruption. It is the combination of a solution and a figure like Anna — who lived in a temple with no assets — that clicked.
When we conducted referendums on the JLB, we used to try and explain its contents to people. But they said they did not want to understand the details. They just wanted to put a mohar [stamp] on Anna.
How did you communicate your message to such a large number of people?
Technology played a key role in this. When in January this year, India Against Corruption (IAC) member Shivendra suggested to us that we use Facebook to publicise our rallies, I dismissed it saying Facebook has a limited, urban following. But Shivendra went ahead. We had planned a single rally on January 30 at the Ramlila Maidan. But because we connected on Facebook, we were able to conduct simultaneous rallies in 64 cities. SMS texting also played a critical role. Our SMS communication was designed very intelligently. A company in Mumbai suggested we ask for missed calls as a mark of solidarity. Missed calls cost nothing. In March, we sent out two crore SMS messages and got 50,000 missed calls. Then we targeted the 50,000 callers, asking if they would like to enrol as volunteers for IAC. Initially 13 people responded. We sent two more rounds of messages to the 50,000 callers. And in just one week, the number of volunteers swelled to 800.
Surely television played a disproportionate role in projecting the movement.
TV certainly helped, both when Anna sat on a fast at Jantar Mantar and then at Ramlila Maidan. But the media cannot create a moment. They can at best magnify it. The crowds at Ramlila and the crowds that followed him when he left for Medanta hospital were not manufactured.
There have been reports of dissensions within the Anna camp. Also that the deadlock was broken only because Congress/government negotiators spoke directly to Anna.
Anna appointed Kiran Bedi, Prashant Bhushan and me to negotiate with the government. One day I was very tired and Kiran was also not around. So, Medha and Prashant went for the meeting. The next thing we hear [from the media] is that Kiran and I have been sidelined, that we are hardliners, and we are deliberately preventing Anna from breaking his fast. This was disinformation by the government.
You started with the maximalist position of “Jan Lokpal Bill by August 30 and any amendments only with Anna's permission.” From that to accepting a “sense-of-the-house” resolution that was not voted upon — wasn't it a climbdown?
When we started on August 16, there was such an overwhelming response that we thought the government would agree to our demands. People wanted the JLB. After a few days we realised that there was a serious leadership crisis in the government — negotiators were constantly backing off. In the last three days of the fast, it happened four times. The Prime Minister made a conciliatory statement, Rahul Gandhi went off on a tangent. Salman Khurshid, Medha and Prashant sat together and drafted a resolution. Next day [August 27], at 1.30 p.m., Salman said no resolution. It became clear to us that what we wanted — Parliament voting on a resolution containing Anna's three demands — was not going to happen. Therefore we had to change our strategy.
Are you satisfied with the resolution that was adopted? It is not categorical and leaves escape clauses.
We are satisfied because it contains Anna's three demands. It will not be easy for the Standing Committee to renege on Parliament's commitment. We will be keenly watching the Committee's proceedings and the MPs also ought to know that they are on watch. I know, of course, that it is a long journey ahead.
Kiran Bedi told a TV channel that at one point when all seemed lost, a miracle happened: L.K. Advani called her and gave her his word that a solution will be reached by the following evening [August 27]. She also said that the Bharatiya Janata Party, which until then was ambiguous on the JLB, changed its stand and offered full support to Anna.
We met the leaders of the main political parties thrice and as part of this we also met Mr. Advani. However, we have been clear that no BJP leader or leader of any communal organisation will share the stage with us. This is the decision of our core committee. As for Kiran talking about Mr. Advani, please put that question to her.
So are you an apolitical movement?
No, we are political but we are concerned with people's politics. The movement will always remain outside of political parties and outside of electoral politics.
You will not float a political party?
No, never. We don't need to get into the system to fight it. We want to pressure the government and assert our rights as citizens. Everyone who has a dream need not get into politics.
Doubts have been raised about the credentials of those who have donated money to IAC. Sometime ago, a citizens' group from Hyderabad wrote to you saying it was shocked to see some very discredited names in your list of donors.
A number of people have contributed money to the Anna movement. There is complete transparency from our side. Our receipts and expenditure are transparent. But we have no mechanism to go into the antecedents of our donors. And donations are streaming in, making it impossible to keep track. If there is a glaring case, we will certainly investigate it. I know, for instance, that there has been talk of the Jindal group. But those who donated to IAC are from Sitaram Jindal, not the Jindal mining group.
Your entire fight is about transparency and accountability. One of your NGOs, Public Cause Research Foundation, received donations on behalf of IAC and issued receipts in its name. But until August 29, there was no mention of Anna or the donations on the PCRF website.
That is an oversight. We will immediately update the website and provide a link to IAC.
Another of your NGOs, Kabir, received grants from the Ford Foundation (FF). According to the FF, Kabir received $172,000 in 2005 and $197,000 in 2008. The FF also sanctioned an “in-principle” grant of $200,000 for 2011, which you have not accepted so far. Why does Kabir not mention the FF and these specific details on its website?
We did not give the specific details because we also got some other NRI contributions and these were clubbed together. I will make sure that the website gives the break-up.
Fears have been expressed about the form of mobilisation we saw over the last four months. There was anger and impatience and, some would say, coercion in your methods. During the Ram Rath yatra, too, the BJP said people were angry because the mandir had not been built for 40 years. Aren't you setting a worrying precedent?
The two situations are not comparable. One was communal and divisive and went against the grain of the Constitution. We are not asking for anything illegal. Our demands resonate with the people and our movement has been unifying, non-violent and entirely within rights given by the Constitution. What is wrong if people demand a strong law against corruption? What is wrong if they ask for the Jan Lokpal Bill?
Why did you ask for Parliamentary due process to be suspended? You didn't want the JLB to go to the Standing Committee.
The JLB was drafted after wide consultations; it underwent many revisions based on feedback. Where is this kind of discussion in the drafting of any sarkari Bill? The purpose of the Standing Committee is to take multiple views on board. But not all Bills reach the Standing Committee, and in 90 per cent of the cases, the government does not accept the Committee's recommendations. So why the fuss only for JLB which has been widely discussed and debated?
source:The Hindu
Wednesday, August 31, 2011
BUBBLE BRUST- How to save yourself
If you were not an investor during the dotcom bubble, your parents can tell you about the losses that the IT funds brought to them after 2001. Unlike Buffett we are not averse to investing in IT stocks or funds. But the problem with investing in sector specific stocks or funds is timing the market. Unless you have a really good understanding of the sectors' fundamental prospects, the chances of going terribly wrong are ridiculously high. Further media reports often tend to mislead investors about the near term opportunities or pitfalls in the sector. No newspaper warned investors about the impossibility of IT heavyweights retaining their astronomical P/E ratios during the dotcom bubble. Similarly real estate funds were touted as the next big money making opportunity until 2007. But investors have learnt little from these past mistakes.
Infrastructure related stocks and funds became investors' delight after the Planning Commission charted out mega outlays for the 11th plan period (2007-2012). The US$ 500 bn of investments planned for this period in sectors ranging from power to roadways to cold storages painted a rosy picture for prospective investors. However, as the plan period heads closer to conclusion; the targets are far from being met. Policy inaction, problems in land acquisition, funding constraints are amongst the many hurdles that have brought India's infrastructure dreams to a standstill. In the bargain, the investment returns in the sector have dwindled. The Planning Commission has yet again been ambitious enough in targeting GDP growth of 9% and investment outlay of US$ 1 trillion for the 2012-17 plan period. However there are no takers for these targets this time. In fact the infrastructure dedicated funds from the stable of the top mutual funds in India have lost between Rs 4 bn to Rs 9.5 bn by way of redemptions in the last 12 months. Not to mention that some infrastructure related stocks are trading close to 52 week lows. What does this trend indicate? That investors tend to buy sector specific themes at high valuations and sell them when valuations are at historical lows. Isn't this just the opposite of what an astute value investor should do?
We suggest that whether it is stocks or mutual funds investors would be better off staying away from sectoral themes. Most if these over hyped themes bring little value to the table for investors. More importantly investors tend to overlook long term fundamental strengths and weaknesses in the sector thanks to the herd mentality. The bottom up approach to picking stocks with sound fundamentals and cheap valuations is the safest bet to avoid such blunders.
source: equitymaster
Tuesday, August 30, 2011
Historic opportunity to be part of new future
AP File photo of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with his Bangladesh counterpart Sheikh Hasina. Dr. Singh's visit to Dhaka has the potential to infuse fresh dynamism into the multi-faceted relationship between India and Bangladesh.
Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka has the potential to infuse fresh dynamism into the multi-faceted relationship between India and Bangladesh.
The Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, will be in Dhaka on September 6, as part of a two-day official visit to Bangladesh, to cement the historic ties that were initiated by his Bangladeshi counterpart, Sheikh Hasina, during her visit to New Delhi in January 2010.
It would perhaps be no exaggeration to say that the two countries, with a few hundred kilometres of common border, have embarked on a new journey to rejuvenate their ties — as was seen when India, under Indira Gandhi, extended unequivocal support to Bangladesh's independence.
The official mood in Dhaka over Dr. Singh's visit is positive. Senior Cabinet colleagues of Sheikh Hasina, including her top advisers, hope the visit will yield tangible results, resolving most of the outstanding issues that have remained unresolved for decades.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, main Opposition, traditionally opposed to India-related issues and, now, the recently signed deals with India, including the agreement on transit, has welcomed Dr. Singh's visit too. However, the party and its fundamentalist allies have kept the door open for cynicism. The BNP's position was made known by the former Prime Minister and party chairperson, Khaleda Zia, who demanded that all deals, including those on transit and water-sharing, be made public first.
It is true that many would not like to accept that India and Bangladesh share a relationship based on their common culture, heritage and history. But the general thinking across Bangladesh is that the relationship should see a realistic transformation, to breathe hope into millions in the impoverished country.
Following Sheikh Hasina's visit to New Delhi some 18 months ago, the two countries have witnessed a paradigm shift in their relations. The essence of the new awakening, as all right-thinking people know, is to promote peaceful coexistence and achieve a shared progress. A section of politicians may not agree with this, but the reality that the two countries share a geographical proximity of 4,156 km, cultural and historic bonding and must, therefore, go for greater economic and social interaction for mutual benefit cannot be wished away. Therefore, it is time to go for a peace offensive — both in terms of people's interaction and economic transaction to help integrate the economies and provide larger markets to each other. A strong political will to translate these moves into action is also imperative.
A negative attitude towards neighbours has always proved counterproductive. However, the general perception in Bangladesh is that, as a big economy and the world's largest democracy, India should be more generous towards its neighbour which is a weak economy and a fragile democracy. The overwhelming majority see Dr. Singh's visit as a historic opportunity to rebuild a relationship that could be a model for other South Asian countries.
The two countries have some long-pending issues that need to be resolved. There is a strong indication that the crucial issues of water-sharing from rivers Teesta and Feni, lands in adverse possession and the problem of enclaves, including the demarcation of 6.5 km of land boundary, will be settled. The two countries, for the first time after 1947, recently signed the boundary strip maps to settle disputes along the border. The cross-border trade has got a boost with the opening of new land ports and building of a new immigration building and truck terminal at India's Petrapole port bordering West Bengal.
Effective steps have also been taken to reduce the huge gaps in bilateral trade. Trade and investment have increased substantially. India has decided to invest more in Bangladesh while the Bangladeshi entrepreneurs, too, are keen on investing in India.
For the first time after 1947, the two countries, during Dr. Singh's visit, may decide the fate of 111 Indian and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves, where people have been living virtually as non-state citizens for decades. The opening of ‘Border Haats' is another pragmatic step that will benefit the poor along the borders. There is a strong indication that Dr. Singh will announce a 24-hour access to inhabitants of Bangladesh's Dahagram and Angorpota enclaves, fulfilling the Indira-Mujib land boundary agreement of 1974.
Transit, not corridor, for India is essentially an economic issue. However, thanks to a section of politicians and their backers, the issue has assumed a political dimension. But the country's business communities, independent think tanks and civil society are strongly of the view that initiating a regional connectivity through transit would be a landmark step which will not only demonstrate good neighbourliness but also improve the livelihood of millions.
An eminent South Asian expert, Gowher Rizvi, also the International Affairs Adviser to Sheikh Hasina, explains that a transit between the two countries will require no new agreement as the facility has existed since 1947. Interrupted by the 1965 India-Pakistan war, the transit resumed through the Indira-Mujib treaty, he asserts. The two countries now need to sign a protocol for its operation. While rail and waterways are the first priority for transit, Bangladesh will have to develop its roads to open up the land transit, and also determine a fee for the facility. On the other hand, the transit is not bilateral — it is a regional arrangement involving India, Nepal and Bhutan.
India and Bangladesh have witnessed a flurry of high-profile visits in recent months. Indian External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, Home Minister P. Chidambaram, Commerce Minister Anand Sharma and National Security Adviser Shiv Shankar Menon visited Dhaka, while New Delhi received Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dipu Moni, Mr. Rizvi and Economic Affairs Adviser Masihur Rahman. They talked mainly about the implementation of the 51-point joint communiqué, regarded as Magna Carta by both sides, issued during Sheikh Hasina's visit in 2010.
During Dr. Singh's visit, the two countries are set to sign a framework agreement on a number of issues, including water-sharing, trade, investment, culture and education. The implementation of projects under the $1 billion LOC from India, to be spent mainly on roads and the railway sector, are of high priority. The cooperation in the power sector, including grid connectivity, supply of up to 500 MW of power from India, including 250 MW at a preferential rate, and Bangladesh's request to set up a high technology joint venture thermal power plant of 1320 MW capacity, is also progressing well.
Besides allowing India's Over Dimensional Cargos (ODCs) to move through the country to Tripura to set up a power plant there, Bangladesh has taken a very strong position against India's northeast insurgents. As a lower riparian country, Bangladesh has asked for a water-sharing deal that covers all 54 common rivers. Therefore, to make Dr. Singh's visit a watershed in bilateral relations, many observers hope, the Indian Prime Minister will make substantial announcements.
The history of the divided subcontinent has been a history of distrust and suspicion. 1971 was an exception, and it lasted only a few years — till 1975 — when Bangladesh's founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated. Therefore, a bold but realistic approach from both sides is expected for the durability of the measures.
One of the major issues that have caused immense ill-will is the killing of Bangladesh citizens by the BSF. New Delhi recently gave strict orders against any further civilian deaths along the border. If this position is maintained strictly, it will have a positive impact. Barring exceptions, the reality is that a majority of cross-border intruders are the abject poor who deserve a humanitarian approach.
Dr. Singh's will be a bilateral visit to Bangladesh in 12 years since Atal Bihari Vajpayee came to Dhaka to inaugurate the Dhaka-Kolkata bus service in 1999. West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu accompanied Mr. Vajpayee. Dr. Singh will be accompanied by Chief Ministers of five States bordering Bangladesh, including Mamata Banerjee. The Manmohan-Hasina summit, close observers say, has all the potential to infuse a fresh dynamism into the multi-faceted and multi-dimensional relationship.
South Asia has been a tense region since the Partition of India. The prolonged Kashmir dispute has had an adverse impact. The war in Afghanistan and the growing instability in Pakistan make the region more volatile. Therefore, moves to bring people closer need to be welcomed. India and Bangladesh cannot afford to miss the historic opportunity to be part of a new future.
(The writer is a Bangladeshi author and journalist. His email: hh1971@gmail.com)
Monday, August 29, 2011
Mr.Baburam Bhattarai to take over as Prime Minister of Nepal
UCPN (Maoist) Vice-Chairman Baburam Bhattarai will take over as Prime Minister of Nepal today. He was elected Prime Minister of the Himalayan nation on Sunday. Mr Bhattarai polled 340 votes to defeat his Nepali Congress rival Ram Chandra Poudel by 105 votes. Considered a moderate face in the Maoist party, 57 year-old India-educated Bhattarai said his government will make efforts to forge a national consensus on key issues.
The Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has congratulated Mr Bhattarai on his election as Prime Minister of Nepal. Official sources said, Dr. Singh also conveyed his best wishes to him.
UCPN (Maoist) Vice-Chairman Baburam Bhattarai will take over as Prime Minister of Nepal today. He was elected Prime Minister of the Himalayan nation on Sunday. Mr Bhattarai polled 340 votes to defeat his Nepali Congress rival Ram Chandra Poudel by 105 votes. Considered a moderate face in the Maoist party, 57 year-old India-educated Bhattarai said his government will make efforts to forge a national consensus on key issues.
The Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has congratulated Mr Bhattarai on his election as Prime Minister of Nepal. Official sources said, Dr. Singh also conveyed his best wishes to him.
A befitting finale at India Gate
AP : Supporters of social activist Anna Hazare gather in thousands to celebrate near the India Gate memorial in New Delhi on Sunday.
Scores of fluttering Tricolours, several motley group of strangers jubilantly breaking into impromptu jigs to the catchy beat of drums, fireworks lighting up the sky alongside kites flying high with Mr. Hazare's name splashed in the Tricolour and passionate slogans filling up the air with gusto and merriment all around, were some of the scenes being played out at India Gate on Sunday evening, bringing back memories of the country's cricket world cup victory scenes at same venue a few months ago.
Be it families, youngsters, infants, differently-abled, senior citizens or foreign tourists, nobody wanted to be left behind in the celebrations and claim their own piece of history to “remember the moment” by taking photographs and recording videos with their friends or families against the backdrop of India Gate with the Tricolour in hand. While a few others also decided to head there just to follow the crowd and enjoy the weekend picnic outing replete with much singing and dancing while soaking in the patriotic atmosphere amid the huge media presence and police deployment.
Fifty-eight year-old Sukhdev Singh, who came along with his wife, armed with a box of candles and with the National Flag tied to his turban, said he had decided to show up at India Gate as his relative and friends too were headed there. “Everyone we know told us they were going to India Gate, so we also decided to show up here and be part of this celebration. We feel happy and relieved that the public has been proved right and the Government has had to listen to us unlike earlier when it was not ready to do so,” he added.
“We can relate to the angst here”
For Spanish mother-daughter duo Milagros Nogeles (60) and Ainhara Del (19), their one-month long visit to India couldn't have ended on a more exciting note. “We have been in India for a month now and are leaving on Monday. We feel really lucky to be in Delhi to witness the culmination of this historic anti-corruption protest at India Gate. Back home too similar protests are taking place against the Government and their economic policies, so we relate to the angst the people here are feeling and support Mr. Hazare.”
“We have made a lot of friends at India Gate and taken a lot of pictures and recorded videos as well. We plan to upload them on Facebook soon to share with our friends back home in Barcelona,” added Ms. Nogeles.
For those selling popular tricoloured wrist bands, “I am Anna” caps, national flags and getting their faces painted with the tricolour, Sunday was the last day to wrap up the business on a high note. Charging Rs.10 per face paint, 25-year-old Bina Ras said: “I stay in Madanpur Khadar and have been coming to India Gate for the past 15 days just to earn money by painting the Tricolour on people's faces. I must have painted about 2,000 faces till now, and Sunday is the last day of my business, after which I return to being a housewife again. The maximum demand for face paint was on Sunday, when I managed to paint about 200 faces in all.”
Team Anna member Manish Sisodia also made an appearance at India Gate, congratulating the crowds and singing the national anthem along with them.
Thirty-one-year-old Baldev Park resident Namita Behl brought along her son and nine-year-old daughter Yashika Behl dressed as “Bharat Mata,” complete with a crown and a red and white sari, to partake in the celebration in her own unique way. “Though we have been going to Ramlila Maidan too, but Sunday was a special day for us as Mr. Hazare finally broke his fast. I brought my children here to show how we achieved independence against corruption,” she added.
source: The Hindu
Sunday, August 28, 2011
Empowerment is the key
Photo: The Hindu Archives The power of Non-violence: Flashback to Mahatma Gandhi's fasts. Photo: The Hindu Archives
What can explain the upsurge of support from the youth for Anna Hazare's movement? A sense of being part of history-in-the-making.
I must be one of the few survivors who were present at Gandhiji's daily evening prayer meetings in Birla Bhawan. I was there, exactly 10 years old, when the bomb blast took place in the meeting, a week before the assassination on January 30, 1948.
I also had the rare opportunity of filing past his cot, when he undertook his last fast unto death. It happened when India had already gained Independence. Yet the thrill was unmistakable and inimitable. I can still feel the hair-raising prickle of being part of something as unique, overwhelming and empowering as history in the making.
Empowerment! That was the key word. It magnified the thrill of being part of a crowd on the move; made it more intense and meaningful than the usual frenzy of participating in a rally or a mela. It is thrilling enough to be a part of the tumultuous festivities of Ganesh or Durga visarjan. (How cold the English translation, immersion, sounds in comparison.) Indians love festivals, crowds, noise, communal singing, dancing, eating or not eating, for that matter.
Whet the moral appetite
A fast can be thrilling too. Why else do so many of our festivals require fasting before gorging on the goodies? What can whet an appetite more than a moral fast before an equally moral feasting. It is no less breathtaking to be part of a rampaging mob, up against authority. But imagine how much more overpowering it would be to be part of a movement, neither frivolous like a mela nor unethical like a rioting mob.
There lies the answer to the riddle of the appeal of Anna Hazare's movement against corruption for the youth. Of course anyone and everyone from all walks of life is a victim of corruption in our country at many points of time; of course they have all learnt not only to grin and bear it but also allowed themselves to become part of the system and indulged in corrupt practices themselves; some in petty, others in hefty ways. And of course each and every one, from all rungs of the non-homogenous middle class to the multitude of the deprived mass hates it. One would much rather live in a corruption-free environment, where everyday things get done as a matter of course without petty humiliations and greasing of palms.
But the mass disapproval of corruption does not explain the mass convergence of a notoriously apathetic youth to a movement spearheaded by someone totally devoid of glamour and religious sanctity. It can be explained only by the sense of empowerment coupled with the thrill of being part of history-in-the-making bequeathed by it.
It is the second time since India became independent that the youth have had a chance to feel empowered in an ethical, moral and righteous manner. The first call came from Jayaprakash Narayan's total revolution in 1974-75. The declaration of Emergency sealed its fate. Though the country limped back to its pseudo democratic state a couple of years later, we never fully recovered from the warped psyche that had been moulded by cowardice, shame and humiliation of those fateful years of failure.
Now after a gap of 36 years, we feel empowered again as we partake of the thrill of being a participant in a fervent crowd rather than a vociferous or mute spectator. An added excitement comes from the sense of being righteous, moral and austere without the danger of being denounced as a fundamentalist or religious demagogue or of being beaten up or peppered with bullets.
Power and thrill
Who would want to forgo such a magnificent thrill! Certainly not the youth of India brought up for decades on extensive footage of Gandhi's mass non-violent movement, forcing the arrogant and exploitative Empire to its knees. The young have read about it, heard of it and seen it on the screen ad infinitum but never tasted its power and thrill, first hand. Now they can. What exquisite power something as simple as a Dandi March can bestow. A fasting Anna Hazare galloping ahead of the cops at Raj Ghat brought back memories of Gandhi scampering ahead of much younger men and women on the Dandi march; alas, seen only on the screen.
I was only nine when India became Independent but the memory of 1942 Quit India Movement and Bose's call, “Give me blood and I'll give you freedom” can still give me goose bumps as nothing has ever since. I had seen it, I had been part of it, in however small a way. But not they. Never they. Till now. How can you expect them to let this opportunity pass by?
With my first-hand experience of the bomb blast at Gandhi's prayer meeting and his last fast, not to say the earlier Quit India call, I had known the reason behind Anna's appeal from the first day.
But the full confirmation came this morning via the usually polite guard of my building. I requested him not to talk quite so loudly at four in the morning on his mobile under my bedroom window and he snapped back, “I am going for an-shun at Ramlila Maidan and that's that!” What sweet empowerment. “Go savour it as long as it lasts,” I said and withdrew.
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