Chickens coming home to roost
by J Mulraj
As a vegetarian I am hesitant to comment on chickens, but do feel that the chickens hatched by incompetent governance would be coming home to roost in early 2011, and would have their impact on stock market performance.
Political chickens: There are several states in which there is potential trouble brewing. The most imminent is Andhra Pradesh, where the Srikrishna Committee report over the carving up of the State and creating Telangana, has been handed over to the Government and would be unveiled on Jan 6. The Government is preparing for violent agitation. In Rajasthan the Gujjar community is renewing its agitation to be declared 'backward' in order to qualify for a 5% job quota. Trouble is also brewing in West Bengal, and can escalate in the run up to the May state elections. These are the result of the divide and rule policies introduced by the British, perfected by the Congress and emulated by the opposition, dividing society on the basis of caste, creed, religion and economic criteria.
Democracy chickens: A functioning democracy requires institutions of democracy to function. The BJP opposition has filibustered the winter session of Parliament, insisting on the establishment of a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to probe into the telecom 2G scam. Previous JPCs have not resulted in any significant action to punish wrongdoers because the Indian polity have perfected the art of public back stabbing to conceal private back scratching! The Prime Minister who, as Finance Minister in the 90s, was given political protection by then Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao, does not seem to have the political sagacity and courage to do the same as Prime Minister, and to put his foot down firmly to bring scamsters to task. The political deadlock will freeze any attempt at further economic reforms, badly needed. These are outlined in the economic chickens, below.
Economic chickens: With Parliament not working several important economic pieces of legislation will not move forward, for which there is a crying need. The oft delayed GST will be postponed; this has the potential to add 1 - 2 % to India's GDP. Governments ruled by the opposition are opposing this sensible legislation purely on political grounds, never mind the interest of the country. Changes in labour laws are absolutely essential; current laws favour a small minority of organised labour at the cost of the vast majority of those outside its purview. Flexible labour policies are needed in order to provide jobs to the growing population; India will overtake China in population by 2025. For lack of jobs there is too much strain on agriculture leading to inequities; 60% of population depends on agriculture for their livelihood, and earn 14% of national income. This can't last. It will have huge social implications.
The policy of subsidising petro products is crazy even by Kafkaesque standards and needs to be urgently changed but cannot, with Parliament in a state of suspended animation. In the current year, the Government will pay for no more than a third of the subsidy bill created by its own policies, with upstream companies (ONGC, OIL, GAIL) bearing a third and downstream oil marketing companies (IOC, HPCL, BPCL) bearing a third. This third share is expected to be Rs 23,333 crores in fiscal 2011, which will drive the OMCs into the red. This will hamper their ability to make a follow on public offer, thus hurting the disinvestment effort (to hit the target of Rs 40,000 crores, the FPOs of PFC and RINL will be fast tracked).
Now this subsidised fuel policy is giving a false picture of India's economic health. Subsidised diesel is falsely bringing down transport costs of companies; when the subsidy goes, as it must, they will become that much less competitive. Subsidised petrol is driving up demand for cars (sales up 25% in December) and creating a problem for the future when private transport will need to be curtailed in the wake of disappearing fossil fuels. China, for example, is better governed - Beijing has introduced an upper limit on sale of cars this year. Our political leadership is too busy hurling abuses and chairs at each other rather than think of the future and plan massive public network of transport (trains, underground and/or overhead, buses and trams). Instead, it encourages, through petrol subsidy, the creation of an infrastructure to manufacture cars, since this boosts its revenues and avoids its responsibility to spend on public transport infrastructure. These chickens will come to roost one day.
Compare the Rs 23,333 crores subsidy burden for petro products (whose use ought to be discouraged rather than encouraged) with the paltry figure of Rs 46 crores provided as subsidy for solar power, which really ought to be encouraged. Blessed as India is with ample sunlight, our leaders ought to be looking to the policies of the German Government to encourage the use of solar energy. Germany, thanks to the late Dr Hermann Sheer who campaigned for solar energy, introduced a feed in tariff for solar power which was double the feed out tariff and guaranteed for 20 years. This meant that those who invest in solar power units on their rooftops and supply any surplus power thus generated and not used by them to the grid, would be paid twice the amount they would pay as consumers of grid power. This has not only resulted in a significant growth in solar power in Germany but has also provided employment to an army of 'solar roof investors' who look for empty rooftops and sign deals with the home owners. Such investors now number more than those employed in Germany's auto industry! Surely, if we spend Rs 23,333 crores under a similar feed in tariff for solar power, instead of to subsidise petrol and diesel, we would be better prepared for the future. If only the politicians stopped looting the country and started thinking about the future!
Partly thanks to increased consumption of petro products, oil imports are rising and India's current account deficit is, therefore, also rising. RBI Governor Dr Subba Rao cautions against the rising deficit and the way it is increasingly financed, by portfolio flows (which are short term in nature and whose exit can disrupt the economy). Dr Subba Rao also warns about uncontrolled fiscal deficit. For the 8 months to Nov, this appears under control thanks to buoyancy in tax collections and realisation from sale of telecom spectrum. Had the sale been fairly conducted, the fiscal deficit may have been lower.
Another cause of worry is rising food inflation. Excessive monsoons in parts of India will lead to higher prices with social consequences.
The sensex gained 435 points to end the week, and the year, at 20509, and the Nifty added 122 to end the week at 6134.
There does not seem to be much by way of a bullish trigger to propel the rally further. Come Jan 6 the Srikrishna report would be made public and can have a negative fallout. Caution is advised and better opportunities to buy would present themselves later. A happy new year to all.
Saturday, January 1, 2011
Sardar Vallabhbahi Patel's Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru on China
Sardar Vallabhbahi Patel's Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru on China ....
Talking about relations with China (after the Chinese invasion of Tibet), Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in a letter to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had written, "we cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policies to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident."
Mr. Patel's assessment seems realistic, although the sad part is that India has done very little in the last 60 years to overcome several of the problems that he had identified in the letter.
For the full text of the letter, keep reading.
My dear Jawaharlal,
Ever since my return from Ahmedabad and after the cabinet meeting the same day which I had to attend at practically fifteen minutes' notice and for which I regret I was not able to read all the papers, I have been anxiously thinking over the problem of Tibet and I thought I should share with you what is passing through my mind.
I have carefully gone through the correspondence between the External Affairs Ministry and our Ambassador in Peking and through him the Chinese Government. I have tried to peruse this correspondence as favourably to our Ambassador and the Chinese Government as possible, but I regret to say that neither of them comes out well as a result of this study.
The Chinese Government has tried to delude us by professions of peaceful intention. My own feeling is that at a crucial period they managed to instill into our Ambassador a false sense of confidence in their so-called desire to settle the Tibetan problem by peaceful means. There can be no doubt that during the period covered by this correspondence the Chinese must have been concentrating for an onslaught on Tibet. The final action of the Chinese, in my judgement, is little short of perfidy. The tragedy of it is that the Tibetans put faith in us; they chose to be guided by us; and we have been unable to get them out of the meshes of Chinese diplomacy or Chinese malevolence. From the latest position, it appears that we shall not be able to rescue the Dalai Lama. Our Ambassador has been at great pains to find an explanation or justification for Chinese policy and actions. As the External Affairs Ministry remarked in one of their telegrams, there was a lack
of firmness and unnecessary apology in one or two representations that he made to the Chinese Government on our behalf.
It is impossible to imagine any sensible person believing in the so-called threat to China from Anglo-American machinations in Tibet. Therefore, if the Chinese put faith in this, they must have distrusted us so completely as to have taken us as tools or stooges of Anglo-American diplomacy or strategy. This feeling, if genuinely entertained by the Chinese in spite of your direct approaches to them, indicates that even though we regard ourselves as the friends of China, the Chinese do not regard us as their friends. With the Communist mentality of "whoever is not with them being against them", this is a significant pointer, of which we have to take due note. During the last several months, outside the Russian camp, we have practically been alone in championing the cause of Chinese entry into UN and in securing from the Americans assurances on the question of Formosa. We have done everything we could to assuage Chinese feelings, to allay its apprehensions and to defend its legitimate claims in our discussions and correspondence with America and Britain and in the UN.
Inspite of this, China is not convinced about our disinterestedness; it continues to regard us with suspicion and the whole psychology is one, at least outwardly, of scepticism perhaps mixed with a little hostility. I doubt if we can go any further than we have done already to convince China of our good intentions, friendliness and goodwill. In Peking we have an Ambassador who is eminently suitable for putting across the friendly point of view. Even he seems to have failed to convert the Chinese. Their last telegram to us is an act of gross discourtesy not only in the summary way it disposes of our protest against the entry of Chinese forces into Tibet but also in the wild insinuation that our attitude is determined by foreign influences. It looks as though it is not a friend speaking in that language but a potential enemy.
In the background of this, we have to consider what new situation now faces us as a result of the disappearance of Tibet, as we knew it, and the expansion of China almost up to our gates. Throughout history we have seldom been worried about our north-east frontier. The Himalayas have been regarded as an impenetrable barrier against any threat from the north. We had a friendly Tibet which gave us no trouble. The Chinese were divided. They had their own domestic problems and never bothered us about frontiers. In 1914, we entered into a convention with Tibet which was not endorsed by the Chinese. We seem to have regarded Tibetan autonomy as extending to independent treaty relationship. Presumably, all that we required was Chinese counter-signature. The Chinese interpretation of suzerainty seems to be different.
We can, therefore, safely assume that very soon they will disown all the stipulations which Tibet has entered into with us in the past. That throws into the melting pot all frontier and commercial settlements with Tibet on which we have been functioning and acting during the last half a century. China is no longer divided. It is united and strong. All along the Himalayas in the north and north-east, we have on our side of the frontier a population ethnologically and culturally not different from Tibetans and Mongoloids. The undefined state of the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities to the Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of the potential trouble between China and ourselves. Recent and bitter history also tells us that Communism is no shield against imperialism and that the communists are as good or as bad imperialists as any other. Chinese ambitions in this respect not only cover the Himalayan slopes on our side but also include the important part of Assam. They have their ambitions in Burma also. Burma has the added difficulty that it has no McMahon Line round which to build up even the semblance of an agreement. Chinese irredentism and communist imperialism are different from the expansionism or imperialism of the western powers. The former has a cloak of ideology which makes it ten times more dangerous. In the guise of ideological expansion lie concealed racial, national or historical claims. The danger from the north and north-east, therefore, becomes both communist and imperialist.
While our western and north-western threat to security is still as prominent as before, a new threat has developed from the north and north-east. Thus, for the first time, after centuries, India's defence has to concentrate itself on two fronts simultaneously. Our defence measures have so far been based on the calculations of superiority over Pakistan. In our calculations we shall now have to reckon with communist China in the north and in the north-east, a communist China which has definite ambitions and aims and which does not, in any way, seem friendly disposed towards us.
Let us also consider the political conditions on this potentially troublesome frontier. Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communication, there are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. Police protection is limited to a very small number of passes. There, too, our outposts do not seem to be fully manned. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India. Even Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices. During the last three years, we have not been able to make any appreciable approaches to the Nagas and other hill tribes in Assam.
European missionaries and other visitors had been in touch with them, but their influence was in no way friendly to India or Indians. In Sikkim, there was political ferment some time ago. It is quite possible that discontent is smouldering there. Bhutan is comparatively quiet, but its affinity with Tibetans would be a handicap. Nepal has a weak oligarchic regime based almost entirely on force: it is in conflict with a turbulent element of the population as well as with enlightened ideas of the modern age. In these circumstances, to make people alive to the new danger or to make them defensively strong is a very difficult task indeed and that difficulty can be got over only by enlightened firmness, strength and a clear line of policy. I am sure the Chinese and their source of inspiration, Soviet Union, would not miss any opportunity of exploiting these weak spots, partly in support of their ideology and partly in support of their ambitions.
In my judgement the situation is one which we cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policies to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident.
Side by side with these external dangers, we shall now have to face serious internal problems as well. I have already asked Iyengar to send to the External Affairs Ministry a copy of the Intelligence Bureau's appreciation of these matters. Hitherto, the Communist Party of India has found some difficulty in contacting communists abroad, or in getting supplies of arms, literature, etc., from them. They had to contend with the difficult Burmese and Pakistan frontiers on the east or with the long seaboard. They shall now have a comparatively easy means of access to Chinese communists and through them to other foreign communists. Infiltration of spies, fifth columnists and communists would now be easier. Instead of having to deal with isolated communist pockets in Telengana and Warrangal we may have to deal with communist threats to our security along our northern and north-eastern frontiers, where, for supplies of arms and ammunition, they can safely depend on communist arsenals in China.
The whole situation thus raises a number of problems on which we must come to an early decision so that we can, as I said earlier, formulate the objectives of our policy and decide the method by which those objectives are to be attained. It is also clear that the action will have to be fairly comprehensive, involving not only our defence strategy and state of preparations but also problem of internal security to deal with which we have not a moment to lose. We shall also have to deal with administrative and political problems in the weak spots along the frontier to which I have already referred.
It is of course, impossible to be exhaustive in setting out all these problems. I am, however, giving below some of the problems which, in my opinion, require early solution and round which we have to build our administrative or military policies and measures to implement them.
a) A military and intelligence appreciation of the Chinese threat to India both on the frontier and to internal security.
b) An examination of military position and such redisposition of our forces as might be necessary, particularly with the idea of guarding important routes or areas which are likely to be the subject of dispute.
c) An appraisement of the strength of our forces and, if necessary, reconsideration of our retrenchment plans for the Army in the light of the new threat.
d) A long-term consideration of our defence needs. My own feeling is that, unless we assure our supplies of arms, ammunition and armour, we would be making our defence perpetually weak and we would not be able to stand up to the double threat of difficulties both from the west and north-west and north and north-east.
e) The question of China's entry into the UN. In view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet, I am doubtful whether we can advocate its claim any longer. There would probably be a threat in the UN virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean war. We must determine our attitude on this question also.
f) The political and administrative steps which we should take to strengthen our northern and north-eastern frontier. This would include the whole of the border, ie. Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the tribal territory in Assam.
g) Measures of internal security in the border areas as well as the states flanking those areas such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal and Assam.
h) Improvement of our communication, road, rail, air and wireless, in these areas and with the frontier outposts.
i) The future of our mission at Lhasa and the trade posts at Gyangtse and Yatung and the forces which we have in operation in Tibet to guard the trade routes.
j) The policy in regard to the McMahon Line.
These are some of the questions which occur to my mind. It is possible that a consideration of these matters may lead us into wider question of our relationship with China, Russia, America, Britain and Burma. This, however, would be of a general nature, though some might be basically very important, e.g., we might have to consider whether we should not enter into closer association with Burma in order to strengthen the latter in its dealings with China. I do not rule out the possibility that, before applying pressure on us, China might apply pressure on Burma. With Burma, the frontier is entirely undefined and the Chinese territorial claims are more substantial. In its present position, Burma might offer an easier problem to China, and therefore, might claim its first attention.
I suggest that we meet early to have a general discussion on these problems and decide on such steps as we might think to be immediately necessary and direct, quick examination of other problems with a view to taking early measures to deal with them.
Vallabhbhai Patel,
7th November 1950
source :Rajeswari Rajagopalan
source:
Talking about relations with China (after the Chinese invasion of Tibet), Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in a letter to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had written, "we cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policies to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident."
Mr. Patel's assessment seems realistic, although the sad part is that India has done very little in the last 60 years to overcome several of the problems that he had identified in the letter.
For the full text of the letter, keep reading.
My dear Jawaharlal,
Ever since my return from Ahmedabad and after the cabinet meeting the same day which I had to attend at practically fifteen minutes' notice and for which I regret I was not able to read all the papers, I have been anxiously thinking over the problem of Tibet and I thought I should share with you what is passing through my mind.
I have carefully gone through the correspondence between the External Affairs Ministry and our Ambassador in Peking and through him the Chinese Government. I have tried to peruse this correspondence as favourably to our Ambassador and the Chinese Government as possible, but I regret to say that neither of them comes out well as a result of this study.
The Chinese Government has tried to delude us by professions of peaceful intention. My own feeling is that at a crucial period they managed to instill into our Ambassador a false sense of confidence in their so-called desire to settle the Tibetan problem by peaceful means. There can be no doubt that during the period covered by this correspondence the Chinese must have been concentrating for an onslaught on Tibet. The final action of the Chinese, in my judgement, is little short of perfidy. The tragedy of it is that the Tibetans put faith in us; they chose to be guided by us; and we have been unable to get them out of the meshes of Chinese diplomacy or Chinese malevolence. From the latest position, it appears that we shall not be able to rescue the Dalai Lama. Our Ambassador has been at great pains to find an explanation or justification for Chinese policy and actions. As the External Affairs Ministry remarked in one of their telegrams, there was a lack
of firmness and unnecessary apology in one or two representations that he made to the Chinese Government on our behalf.
It is impossible to imagine any sensible person believing in the so-called threat to China from Anglo-American machinations in Tibet. Therefore, if the Chinese put faith in this, they must have distrusted us so completely as to have taken us as tools or stooges of Anglo-American diplomacy or strategy. This feeling, if genuinely entertained by the Chinese in spite of your direct approaches to them, indicates that even though we regard ourselves as the friends of China, the Chinese do not regard us as their friends. With the Communist mentality of "whoever is not with them being against them", this is a significant pointer, of which we have to take due note. During the last several months, outside the Russian camp, we have practically been alone in championing the cause of Chinese entry into UN and in securing from the Americans assurances on the question of Formosa. We have done everything we could to assuage Chinese feelings, to allay its apprehensions and to defend its legitimate claims in our discussions and correspondence with America and Britain and in the UN.
Inspite of this, China is not convinced about our disinterestedness; it continues to regard us with suspicion and the whole psychology is one, at least outwardly, of scepticism perhaps mixed with a little hostility. I doubt if we can go any further than we have done already to convince China of our good intentions, friendliness and goodwill. In Peking we have an Ambassador who is eminently suitable for putting across the friendly point of view. Even he seems to have failed to convert the Chinese. Their last telegram to us is an act of gross discourtesy not only in the summary way it disposes of our protest against the entry of Chinese forces into Tibet but also in the wild insinuation that our attitude is determined by foreign influences. It looks as though it is not a friend speaking in that language but a potential enemy.
In the background of this, we have to consider what new situation now faces us as a result of the disappearance of Tibet, as we knew it, and the expansion of China almost up to our gates. Throughout history we have seldom been worried about our north-east frontier. The Himalayas have been regarded as an impenetrable barrier against any threat from the north. We had a friendly Tibet which gave us no trouble. The Chinese were divided. They had their own domestic problems and never bothered us about frontiers. In 1914, we entered into a convention with Tibet which was not endorsed by the Chinese. We seem to have regarded Tibetan autonomy as extending to independent treaty relationship. Presumably, all that we required was Chinese counter-signature. The Chinese interpretation of suzerainty seems to be different.
We can, therefore, safely assume that very soon they will disown all the stipulations which Tibet has entered into with us in the past. That throws into the melting pot all frontier and commercial settlements with Tibet on which we have been functioning and acting during the last half a century. China is no longer divided. It is united and strong. All along the Himalayas in the north and north-east, we have on our side of the frontier a population ethnologically and culturally not different from Tibetans and Mongoloids. The undefined state of the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities to the Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of the potential trouble between China and ourselves. Recent and bitter history also tells us that Communism is no shield against imperialism and that the communists are as good or as bad imperialists as any other. Chinese ambitions in this respect not only cover the Himalayan slopes on our side but also include the important part of Assam. They have their ambitions in Burma also. Burma has the added difficulty that it has no McMahon Line round which to build up even the semblance of an agreement. Chinese irredentism and communist imperialism are different from the expansionism or imperialism of the western powers. The former has a cloak of ideology which makes it ten times more dangerous. In the guise of ideological expansion lie concealed racial, national or historical claims. The danger from the north and north-east, therefore, becomes both communist and imperialist.
While our western and north-western threat to security is still as prominent as before, a new threat has developed from the north and north-east. Thus, for the first time, after centuries, India's defence has to concentrate itself on two fronts simultaneously. Our defence measures have so far been based on the calculations of superiority over Pakistan. In our calculations we shall now have to reckon with communist China in the north and in the north-east, a communist China which has definite ambitions and aims and which does not, in any way, seem friendly disposed towards us.
Let us also consider the political conditions on this potentially troublesome frontier. Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communication, there are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. Police protection is limited to a very small number of passes. There, too, our outposts do not seem to be fully manned. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India. Even Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices. During the last three years, we have not been able to make any appreciable approaches to the Nagas and other hill tribes in Assam.
European missionaries and other visitors had been in touch with them, but their influence was in no way friendly to India or Indians. In Sikkim, there was political ferment some time ago. It is quite possible that discontent is smouldering there. Bhutan is comparatively quiet, but its affinity with Tibetans would be a handicap. Nepal has a weak oligarchic regime based almost entirely on force: it is in conflict with a turbulent element of the population as well as with enlightened ideas of the modern age. In these circumstances, to make people alive to the new danger or to make them defensively strong is a very difficult task indeed and that difficulty can be got over only by enlightened firmness, strength and a clear line of policy. I am sure the Chinese and their source of inspiration, Soviet Union, would not miss any opportunity of exploiting these weak spots, partly in support of their ideology and partly in support of their ambitions.
In my judgement the situation is one which we cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policies to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident.
Side by side with these external dangers, we shall now have to face serious internal problems as well. I have already asked Iyengar to send to the External Affairs Ministry a copy of the Intelligence Bureau's appreciation of these matters. Hitherto, the Communist Party of India has found some difficulty in contacting communists abroad, or in getting supplies of arms, literature, etc., from them. They had to contend with the difficult Burmese and Pakistan frontiers on the east or with the long seaboard. They shall now have a comparatively easy means of access to Chinese communists and through them to other foreign communists. Infiltration of spies, fifth columnists and communists would now be easier. Instead of having to deal with isolated communist pockets in Telengana and Warrangal we may have to deal with communist threats to our security along our northern and north-eastern frontiers, where, for supplies of arms and ammunition, they can safely depend on communist arsenals in China.
The whole situation thus raises a number of problems on which we must come to an early decision so that we can, as I said earlier, formulate the objectives of our policy and decide the method by which those objectives are to be attained. It is also clear that the action will have to be fairly comprehensive, involving not only our defence strategy and state of preparations but also problem of internal security to deal with which we have not a moment to lose. We shall also have to deal with administrative and political problems in the weak spots along the frontier to which I have already referred.
It is of course, impossible to be exhaustive in setting out all these problems. I am, however, giving below some of the problems which, in my opinion, require early solution and round which we have to build our administrative or military policies and measures to implement them.
a) A military and intelligence appreciation of the Chinese threat to India both on the frontier and to internal security.
b) An examination of military position and such redisposition of our forces as might be necessary, particularly with the idea of guarding important routes or areas which are likely to be the subject of dispute.
c) An appraisement of the strength of our forces and, if necessary, reconsideration of our retrenchment plans for the Army in the light of the new threat.
d) A long-term consideration of our defence needs. My own feeling is that, unless we assure our supplies of arms, ammunition and armour, we would be making our defence perpetually weak and we would not be able to stand up to the double threat of difficulties both from the west and north-west and north and north-east.
e) The question of China's entry into the UN. In view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet, I am doubtful whether we can advocate its claim any longer. There would probably be a threat in the UN virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean war. We must determine our attitude on this question also.
f) The political and administrative steps which we should take to strengthen our northern and north-eastern frontier. This would include the whole of the border, ie. Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling and the tribal territory in Assam.
g) Measures of internal security in the border areas as well as the states flanking those areas such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal and Assam.
h) Improvement of our communication, road, rail, air and wireless, in these areas and with the frontier outposts.
i) The future of our mission at Lhasa and the trade posts at Gyangtse and Yatung and the forces which we have in operation in Tibet to guard the trade routes.
j) The policy in regard to the McMahon Line.
These are some of the questions which occur to my mind. It is possible that a consideration of these matters may lead us into wider question of our relationship with China, Russia, America, Britain and Burma. This, however, would be of a general nature, though some might be basically very important, e.g., we might have to consider whether we should not enter into closer association with Burma in order to strengthen the latter in its dealings with China. I do not rule out the possibility that, before applying pressure on us, China might apply pressure on Burma. With Burma, the frontier is entirely undefined and the Chinese territorial claims are more substantial. In its present position, Burma might offer an easier problem to China, and therefore, might claim its first attention.
I suggest that we meet early to have a general discussion on these problems and decide on such steps as we might think to be immediately necessary and direct, quick examination of other problems with a view to taking early measures to deal with them.
Vallabhbhai Patel,
7th November 1950
source :Rajeswari Rajagopalan
source:
Strategic stability, tactical aggression
January 01, 2011 11:32:33 AM
by Gurmeet Kanwal
The Wen Jiabao visit proved to be a watershed in Sino-Indian relations because both sides have struck a mutually assured development paradigm despite retaining the option for conflict. As for the border dispute, it’s left for the generations
It will take a long time, perhaps many years, for the full impact of the WikiLeaks’ disclosure of thousands of US diplomatic cables to become known. Make no mistake: this is an event of historic importance — for all governments, and not only the US. It had been widely anticipated in India that Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s visit would not result in the satisfactory resolution of India’s major concerns. The joint statement issued at the end of the visit on December 16, 2010, bears out the apprehensions of Indian analysts.
Agreements for bilateral trade amounting to $16 billion were signed and the two sides agreed to raise mutual trade from $60 billion this year to $100 billion by 2015. However, India did not agree to sign a free trade agreement; instead the joint statement proposes ‘’measures to promote greater Indian exports to China with a view to reduce India’s trade deficit.’’ Six joint agreements were signed on culture, green technology, media exchanges, river data and banking, all of which are relatively less significant aspects of the bilateral relationship.
China remained non-committal on the ticklish issue of visas being stapled to the passports of the resident of the Indian state of J&K, instead of being stamped on their passports. It reinforced Indian views that China is increasingly leaning on Pakistan in its Kashmir policy. China did not agree to either mention Pakistan as the source of terrorism or condemn the perpetrators of the Mumbai terror strikes. It also did not specifically endorse India’s quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. In turn, India did not accept a reference to the one-China policy and, instead, the principle of “mutual respect and sensitivity for each other’s concerns and aspirations” was included in the joint statement.
Relations between India and China have been fairly stable at the strategic level. Political and economic relations are much better now than these have been since the 1962 war. Mutual economic dependence is growing rapidly; and, the two countries have been cooperating in international fora like WTO and climate change negotiations. There has even been some cooperation in energy security. However, at the tactical level, China has been exhibiting a markedly aggressive political, diplomatic and military attitude. The security relationship, in particular, has the potential to act as a spoiler and would ultimately determine whether the two Asian giants will clash or cooperate for mutual gains. The major cause for this is the half-century-old territorial and boundary dispute over which the two countries fought a border war in 1962.
China continues to be in physical occupation of large areas of Indian territory. On the Aksai Chin plateau in Ladakh in J&K, China is in physical possession of approximately 38,000 sqkm of Indian territory since the mid-1950s. In addition, Pakistan illegally ceded 5,180 sqkm of Indian territory to China in 1963 in the Shaksgam Valley of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir under a bilateral boundary agreement that India does not recognise. Through this area China built the Karakoram highway that now provides a strategic land link between Xinjiang, Tibet and Pakistan. China continues to stake its claim to about 96,000 sqkm of Indian territory in the eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh, which it calls Southern Tibet.
Chinese interlocutors have repeatedly claimed that the Tawang Tract, in particular, is part of Tibet and that the merger of this area with Tibet is non-negotiable. Early in 2005, India and China had agreed to identify “guiding principles and parameters” for a political solution to the five-decade-old dispute. However, in the case of Tawang, the Chinese have gone back on the agreed parameter that “settled populations will not be disturbed”.
It is not so well known that the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China, implying de facto control after the 1962 war, is yet to be physically demarcated on the ground and delineated on military maps. The LAC is quite different from the disputed 4,056 km long boundary between India and Tibet. The un-delineated LAC is a major destabilising factor as incidents such as the Nathu La clash of 1967 and the Wang Dung standoff of 1986 can recur.
In fact, despite the Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement (BPTA) signed with the Chinese in 1993 and the agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field signed in 1996, border guards of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have transgressed the LAC repeatedly to intrude into Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. They have even objected to Indian road construction efforts. These intrusions have been periodically reported in the media and discussed in Parliament. While no such incident has resulted in a violent clash so far, there have been occasions when Indian and Chinese patrols have met face to face before backing off. Such meetings have an element of tension built into them and the possibility of an armed clash can never be ruled out.
Demarcation of the LAC, without prejudice to each other’s position on the territorial dispute, would be an excellent confidence building measure. China’s intransigence in exchanging maps showing the alignment of the LAC in the western and the eastern sectors is difficult to understand. It can only be described as another attempt to put off the dispute “for future generations to resolve”, as Deng Xiao Ping had famously told Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1988.
The military gap between Indian and China is growing steadily as the PLA ismodernising at a rapid pace and India’s military upgradation plans are mired in red tape. China’s negotiating strategy is to stall resolution of the dispute till the Chinese are in a much stronger position in terms of comprehensive national strength so that they can dictate terms. It is in India’s interest to strive for the early resolution of the territorial dispute with China so that India has only one major military adversary to contend with.
(The author is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi, and a Visiting Research Fellow at RSIS.)
source: The Pioneer
January 01, 2011 11:32:33 AM
by Gurmeet Kanwal
The Wen Jiabao visit proved to be a watershed in Sino-Indian relations because both sides have struck a mutually assured development paradigm despite retaining the option for conflict. As for the border dispute, it’s left for the generations
It will take a long time, perhaps many years, for the full impact of the WikiLeaks’ disclosure of thousands of US diplomatic cables to become known. Make no mistake: this is an event of historic importance — for all governments, and not only the US. It had been widely anticipated in India that Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s visit would not result in the satisfactory resolution of India’s major concerns. The joint statement issued at the end of the visit on December 16, 2010, bears out the apprehensions of Indian analysts.
Agreements for bilateral trade amounting to $16 billion were signed and the two sides agreed to raise mutual trade from $60 billion this year to $100 billion by 2015. However, India did not agree to sign a free trade agreement; instead the joint statement proposes ‘’measures to promote greater Indian exports to China with a view to reduce India’s trade deficit.’’ Six joint agreements were signed on culture, green technology, media exchanges, river data and banking, all of which are relatively less significant aspects of the bilateral relationship.
China remained non-committal on the ticklish issue of visas being stapled to the passports of the resident of the Indian state of J&K, instead of being stamped on their passports. It reinforced Indian views that China is increasingly leaning on Pakistan in its Kashmir policy. China did not agree to either mention Pakistan as the source of terrorism or condemn the perpetrators of the Mumbai terror strikes. It also did not specifically endorse India’s quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. In turn, India did not accept a reference to the one-China policy and, instead, the principle of “mutual respect and sensitivity for each other’s concerns and aspirations” was included in the joint statement.
Relations between India and China have been fairly stable at the strategic level. Political and economic relations are much better now than these have been since the 1962 war. Mutual economic dependence is growing rapidly; and, the two countries have been cooperating in international fora like WTO and climate change negotiations. There has even been some cooperation in energy security. However, at the tactical level, China has been exhibiting a markedly aggressive political, diplomatic and military attitude. The security relationship, in particular, has the potential to act as a spoiler and would ultimately determine whether the two Asian giants will clash or cooperate for mutual gains. The major cause for this is the half-century-old territorial and boundary dispute over which the two countries fought a border war in 1962.
China continues to be in physical occupation of large areas of Indian territory. On the Aksai Chin plateau in Ladakh in J&K, China is in physical possession of approximately 38,000 sqkm of Indian territory since the mid-1950s. In addition, Pakistan illegally ceded 5,180 sqkm of Indian territory to China in 1963 in the Shaksgam Valley of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir under a bilateral boundary agreement that India does not recognise. Through this area China built the Karakoram highway that now provides a strategic land link between Xinjiang, Tibet and Pakistan. China continues to stake its claim to about 96,000 sqkm of Indian territory in the eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh, which it calls Southern Tibet.
Chinese interlocutors have repeatedly claimed that the Tawang Tract, in particular, is part of Tibet and that the merger of this area with Tibet is non-negotiable. Early in 2005, India and China had agreed to identify “guiding principles and parameters” for a political solution to the five-decade-old dispute. However, in the case of Tawang, the Chinese have gone back on the agreed parameter that “settled populations will not be disturbed”.
It is not so well known that the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China, implying de facto control after the 1962 war, is yet to be physically demarcated on the ground and delineated on military maps. The LAC is quite different from the disputed 4,056 km long boundary between India and Tibet. The un-delineated LAC is a major destabilising factor as incidents such as the Nathu La clash of 1967 and the Wang Dung standoff of 1986 can recur.
In fact, despite the Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement (BPTA) signed with the Chinese in 1993 and the agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field signed in 1996, border guards of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have transgressed the LAC repeatedly to intrude into Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. They have even objected to Indian road construction efforts. These intrusions have been periodically reported in the media and discussed in Parliament. While no such incident has resulted in a violent clash so far, there have been occasions when Indian and Chinese patrols have met face to face before backing off. Such meetings have an element of tension built into them and the possibility of an armed clash can never be ruled out.
Demarcation of the LAC, without prejudice to each other’s position on the territorial dispute, would be an excellent confidence building measure. China’s intransigence in exchanging maps showing the alignment of the LAC in the western and the eastern sectors is difficult to understand. It can only be described as another attempt to put off the dispute “for future generations to resolve”, as Deng Xiao Ping had famously told Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1988.
The military gap between Indian and China is growing steadily as the PLA ismodernising at a rapid pace and India’s military upgradation plans are mired in red tape. China’s negotiating strategy is to stall resolution of the dispute till the Chinese are in a much stronger position in terms of comprehensive national strength so that they can dictate terms. It is in India’s interest to strive for the early resolution of the territorial dispute with China so that India has only one major military adversary to contend with.
(The author is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi, and a Visiting Research Fellow at RSIS.)
source: The Pioneer
WATER,AIR, NOISE POLLUTION CONTROL NECESSARY IN SIKKIM TOO
What are the important Environmental Laws in the country?
Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974;
Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981,
Cess Act, 1977, - Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and Rules there under
Public Liability Insurance Act, 1981,
National Environmental Tribunal Act, 1995
National Environment Appellate Authority Act, 1997
What are the different programes/activities implemented through State Pollution Control Board?
State Boards are implementing following programmes
Pollution control in 17 categories of highly polluting industries
Pollution control from industries discharging waste water into rivers and lakes
Inventorization of pollution industries in the State and ensuring their compliance to the Pollution control norms
Restoration of environmental quality in critically polluted areas
Monitoring of water and ambient air quality in the States
Hazardous waste
Bio-medical and Management of Municipal Solid Wastes
What steps have been taken to control vehicular pollution?
Major initiatives taken to control vehicular pollution include the following
Emission Standards for Tractors : Emission norms for tractors were notified on 8.9.1999 under the Central Motor Vehicle Rules is effective from 1.10.1999.
India 2000 Emission Norms akin to Euro-I Norms: Emission norms known as India 2000 akin to Euro I norms was notified on 28.8.1997 under the Central Motor Vehicle Rules is effective from 1.4.2000 for the entire country, required major modifications in the engine designs.
What are sources of water pollution and wastewater generation scenario? Back
It is estimated that 75% to 80% of water pollution by volume is caused by domestic sewage. The major industries causing water pollution include: distilleries, sugar, textile, electroplating, pesticides, pharmaceuticals, pulp & paper mills, tanneries, dyes and dye intermediates, petro-chemicals, steel plants etc. Non-point sources such as fertilizer and pesticide run-offs in rural areas also cause pollution. Only 60% of chemical fertilizers are utilized in soils and the balance is leached into soil polluting the ground water. Excess phosphate run-off leads to eutrophication in lakes and water bodies.
How many critically polluted areas have been identified?
The Central Pollution Control Board in consultation with State Pollution Control Boards has identified 24 areas in the country as critically polluted areas. These are: Bhadravati (Karnataka), Chembur (Maharashtra), Digboi (Assam), Govindgarh (Punjab), Greater Cochin (Kerala), Kala-Amb (Himachal Pradesh), Parwanoo (Himachal Pradesh), Korba (Madhya Pradesh), Manali (Tamil Nadu), North Arcot (Tamil Nadu), Pali (Rajasthan), Talcher (Orissa), Vapi (Gujarat), Visakhapatnam (Andhra Pradesh), Dhanbad (Bihar), Durgapur (West Bengal), Howrah (West Bengal), Jodhpur (Rajasthan), Nagda- Ratlam (Madhya Pradesh), Najafgarh Drain (Delhi), Patancheru Bollaram (Andhra Pradesh), Singrauli (Uttar Pradesh), Ankleshwar (Gujarat), Tarapur (Maharashtra)
Is there any legal and institutional framework to check pollution in the country?
Yes Sir, India has prepared pollution abatement strategy which include the legal framework and the Environment Authorities.
Environment Authorities :
In addition to Pollution Control Boards, 6 Environmental Authorities have been constituted under the Environment (Protection) Act 1986, including the National Environment Appellate Authority. These are :
The Central Ground Water Authority - Aqua Culture Authority
Dahanu Taluka Environment (Protection) Authority
Environment Pollution (Prevention & Control) Authority for National Capital Region of Delhi
Loss of Ecology (Prevention and Payment of Compensation) Authority for State of Tamil Nadu.
National Environment Appellate Authority,1997
What are the measures for control of noise pollution?
Ambient standards in respect of noise for different categories of areas (residential, commercial, industrial) and silence zones have been notified under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. Noise limits have been prescribed for automobiles, domestic appliances and construction equipment at the manufacturing stage. Standards have been evolved and notified for the gen sets, fire crackers and coal mines. Regulatory agencies have been directed to enforce the standards for control and regulate noise pollution.
What are the steps taken to control vehicular pollution?
The following steps are taken:
Establishment of Ambient Air Quality Monitoring throughout India
Notification of Ambient Air Quality Standards under Environment (Protection) Act.
Notification of vehicular emission norms for year 1990-91,1996, 1998, 2000, 2001
Improving fuel quality by phasing out lead from gasoline, reducing diesel sulphur, reducing gasoline benzene, and etc.
Introduction of alternate fuelled vehicles like CNG/LPG.
Improvement of public transport system.
Phasing out of grossly polluting commercial vehicles.
Public awareness & campaigns.
What is the impact of the steps to Ambient Air Quality?
Impacts of the steps taken in Delhi: All regulatory pollutants show a decreasing trend in concentrations in Delhi. CO decreased to 3069 ug/m3 in 2000-2001 from 5450 ug/m3 in 1998. NO2 decreased from 75 ug/m3 in 1996 to 59 ug/m3 in 2000. Lead which is harmful especially for children, decreased remarkably due to phasing out of lead from gasoline. Another critical pollutant RSPM also shows a decreasing trend in Delhi.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution due to fire crackers? Back
The Govt. of India has enacted noise standards for fire-crackers vide G.S.R.682(E), dated 5th October, 1999, in an effort to control noise pollution due to fire crackers Recently in March 2001, Central Pollution Control Board in association with National Physical Laboratory (NPL), Delhi initiated a study on measurement of noise levels of fire-crackers available in the market. The study indicates that 95% of the fire-crackers samples exceed the prescribed noise limits. Consequently, CPCB issued notice under Section 5, of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 to the Department of Explosives, Nagpur, to take immediate steps to control manufacturing of fire-crackers exceeding the prescribed limits. All the State Pollution Control Boards/Committees were also requested to initiate steps to control sale of fire-crackers exceeding the notified limits, in consultation with their respective local administrations.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution due to loud-speakers? Back
The Govt. of India has enacted Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000 vide S.O.123(E), dated 14th February, 2000. The Rule deals with provisions to control noise pollution due to loud-speakers and public address system, as given below :
Restriction on the use of loud speakers/utility address system :
A loud speaker or a public address system shall not be used except after obtaining written permission from the authority.
A loud speaker or a public address system shall not be used at night (between 10.00 p.m. to 6.00 a.m.) except in closed premises for communication within e.g. auditoria, conference rooms, community halls and banquet halls.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution from generator sets?
The Central Pollution Control Board, in association with the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, had developed systems for control of noise pollution from diesel generator sets as well as from petrol/kerosene generator sets. Based on this, the noise standards for diesel and petrol/kerosene generator sets have been developed and notified
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution in the country?
Ambient noise standards were notified in 1989, which formed the basis for State Pollution Control Boards to initiate action against violating sources.
The vehicular noise standards, notified in 1990, are being implemented by Ministry of Science and Technology, to reduce traffic noise. These standards have been made more stringent vide a notification in September 2000 and will be effective from January, 2003.
Noise standards for diesel genset were prescribed in Dec. 1998. Govt. has been pursuing with State Pollution Control Boards, generator manufacturing and major users, for implementation of these standards. Presently these standards are being revised (the MoEF is in the process of issuing notification) making it mandatory for all generator manufacturers to provide acoustic enclosure at the manufacturing stage itself. This will have a major impact on noise from DG sets.
Noise standards for fire-crackers were developed in October, 1999. Central Pollution Control Board had carried out a compliance testing of the fire crackers available in the market and also taken up with the Department of Explosives for compliance with these standards.
Noise standards for petrol and kerosene generator sets were notified in September, 2000, and will be effective from September, 2002. The sale of these gensets will be prohibited if not certified by the testing agencies, identified for the purpose.
The Noise Rules, 2000, regulates noise due to Public Address System/ Loud speakers and also prescribed procedures for noise complaint handling.
Central Pollution Control Board has taken up a study on aircraft noise monitoring in
Indira Gandhi International Airport, Delhi. This will be followed by development of
guidelines/ standards for aircraft noise.
What are the laws enforced by of the Pollution Control Boards ?
The Central and State Pollution Control Boards were set up for enforcement of the Water (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Act, 1974. Over the years, the Boards have been assigned additional responsibilities which include the following :
Water (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Cess Act, 1977.
Air (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Act, 1981
Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and Rules made thereunder
Hazardous Waste (Management & Handling) Rules1989.
Manufacture, storage and Import of Hazardous Chemicals Rules, 1989
Bio-medical Waste (Management & Handling) Rules, 1998
Municipal Solid Waste (Management & Handling) Rules, 2000.
Plastics wastes Rules, 1999 o Coastal Regulation Zone Rules, 1991
Public Liability Insurance Act, 1991
What are the specific functions of the Pollution Control Boards?
Functions of Central Pollution Control Board :
Advise the Central Government on matters relating to pollution;
Coordinate the activities of the State Boards;
Provide Technical assistance to the State Boards, carry out and sponsor investigations and research relating to control of pollution;
Plan and organize training of personnel;
Collect, compile and publish technical and statistical data, prepare manuals and code of conduct.
To lay down standards;
To plan nation wide programme for pollution control.
Functions of the State Pollution Control Boards:
To advise the State Government on matter relating to pollution and on siting of industries
To plan programme for pollution control;
To collect and disseminate information;
To carry our inspection;
To lay down effluent and emission standards;
To issue consent to industries and other activities for compliance of prescribed emission and effluent standards,
SOURCE:cpcb
Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974;
Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981,
Cess Act, 1977, - Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and Rules there under
Public Liability Insurance Act, 1981,
National Environmental Tribunal Act, 1995
National Environment Appellate Authority Act, 1997
What are the different programes/activities implemented through State Pollution Control Board?
State Boards are implementing following programmes
Pollution control in 17 categories of highly polluting industries
Pollution control from industries discharging waste water into rivers and lakes
Inventorization of pollution industries in the State and ensuring their compliance to the Pollution control norms
Restoration of environmental quality in critically polluted areas
Monitoring of water and ambient air quality in the States
Hazardous waste
Bio-medical and Management of Municipal Solid Wastes
What steps have been taken to control vehicular pollution?
Major initiatives taken to control vehicular pollution include the following
Emission Standards for Tractors : Emission norms for tractors were notified on 8.9.1999 under the Central Motor Vehicle Rules is effective from 1.10.1999.
India 2000 Emission Norms akin to Euro-I Norms: Emission norms known as India 2000 akin to Euro I norms was notified on 28.8.1997 under the Central Motor Vehicle Rules is effective from 1.4.2000 for the entire country, required major modifications in the engine designs.
What are sources of water pollution and wastewater generation scenario? Back
It is estimated that 75% to 80% of water pollution by volume is caused by domestic sewage. The major industries causing water pollution include: distilleries, sugar, textile, electroplating, pesticides, pharmaceuticals, pulp & paper mills, tanneries, dyes and dye intermediates, petro-chemicals, steel plants etc. Non-point sources such as fertilizer and pesticide run-offs in rural areas also cause pollution. Only 60% of chemical fertilizers are utilized in soils and the balance is leached into soil polluting the ground water. Excess phosphate run-off leads to eutrophication in lakes and water bodies.
How many critically polluted areas have been identified?
The Central Pollution Control Board in consultation with State Pollution Control Boards has identified 24 areas in the country as critically polluted areas. These are: Bhadravati (Karnataka), Chembur (Maharashtra), Digboi (Assam), Govindgarh (Punjab), Greater Cochin (Kerala), Kala-Amb (Himachal Pradesh), Parwanoo (Himachal Pradesh), Korba (Madhya Pradesh), Manali (Tamil Nadu), North Arcot (Tamil Nadu), Pali (Rajasthan), Talcher (Orissa), Vapi (Gujarat), Visakhapatnam (Andhra Pradesh), Dhanbad (Bihar), Durgapur (West Bengal), Howrah (West Bengal), Jodhpur (Rajasthan), Nagda- Ratlam (Madhya Pradesh), Najafgarh Drain (Delhi), Patancheru Bollaram (Andhra Pradesh), Singrauli (Uttar Pradesh), Ankleshwar (Gujarat), Tarapur (Maharashtra)
Is there any legal and institutional framework to check pollution in the country?
Yes Sir, India has prepared pollution abatement strategy which include the legal framework and the Environment Authorities.
Environment Authorities :
In addition to Pollution Control Boards, 6 Environmental Authorities have been constituted under the Environment (Protection) Act 1986, including the National Environment Appellate Authority. These are :
The Central Ground Water Authority - Aqua Culture Authority
Dahanu Taluka Environment (Protection) Authority
Environment Pollution (Prevention & Control) Authority for National Capital Region of Delhi
Loss of Ecology (Prevention and Payment of Compensation) Authority for State of Tamil Nadu.
National Environment Appellate Authority,1997
What are the measures for control of noise pollution?
Ambient standards in respect of noise for different categories of areas (residential, commercial, industrial) and silence zones have been notified under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. Noise limits have been prescribed for automobiles, domestic appliances and construction equipment at the manufacturing stage. Standards have been evolved and notified for the gen sets, fire crackers and coal mines. Regulatory agencies have been directed to enforce the standards for control and regulate noise pollution.
What are the steps taken to control vehicular pollution?
The following steps are taken:
Establishment of Ambient Air Quality Monitoring throughout India
Notification of Ambient Air Quality Standards under Environment (Protection) Act.
Notification of vehicular emission norms for year 1990-91,1996, 1998, 2000, 2001
Improving fuel quality by phasing out lead from gasoline, reducing diesel sulphur, reducing gasoline benzene, and etc.
Introduction of alternate fuelled vehicles like CNG/LPG.
Improvement of public transport system.
Phasing out of grossly polluting commercial vehicles.
Public awareness & campaigns.
What is the impact of the steps to Ambient Air Quality?
Impacts of the steps taken in Delhi: All regulatory pollutants show a decreasing trend in concentrations in Delhi. CO decreased to 3069 ug/m3 in 2000-2001 from 5450 ug/m3 in 1998. NO2 decreased from 75 ug/m3 in 1996 to 59 ug/m3 in 2000. Lead which is harmful especially for children, decreased remarkably due to phasing out of lead from gasoline. Another critical pollutant RSPM also shows a decreasing trend in Delhi.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution due to fire crackers? Back
The Govt. of India has enacted noise standards for fire-crackers vide G.S.R.682(E), dated 5th October, 1999, in an effort to control noise pollution due to fire crackers Recently in March 2001, Central Pollution Control Board in association with National Physical Laboratory (NPL), Delhi initiated a study on measurement of noise levels of fire-crackers available in the market. The study indicates that 95% of the fire-crackers samples exceed the prescribed noise limits. Consequently, CPCB issued notice under Section 5, of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 to the Department of Explosives, Nagpur, to take immediate steps to control manufacturing of fire-crackers exceeding the prescribed limits. All the State Pollution Control Boards/Committees were also requested to initiate steps to control sale of fire-crackers exceeding the notified limits, in consultation with their respective local administrations.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution due to loud-speakers? Back
The Govt. of India has enacted Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000 vide S.O.123(E), dated 14th February, 2000. The Rule deals with provisions to control noise pollution due to loud-speakers and public address system, as given below :
Restriction on the use of loud speakers/utility address system :
A loud speaker or a public address system shall not be used except after obtaining written permission from the authority.
A loud speaker or a public address system shall not be used at night (between 10.00 p.m. to 6.00 a.m.) except in closed premises for communication within e.g. auditoria, conference rooms, community halls and banquet halls.
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution from generator sets?
The Central Pollution Control Board, in association with the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, had developed systems for control of noise pollution from diesel generator sets as well as from petrol/kerosene generator sets. Based on this, the noise standards for diesel and petrol/kerosene generator sets have been developed and notified
What steps have been taken to control noise pollution in the country?
Ambient noise standards were notified in 1989, which formed the basis for State Pollution Control Boards to initiate action against violating sources.
The vehicular noise standards, notified in 1990, are being implemented by Ministry of Science and Technology, to reduce traffic noise. These standards have been made more stringent vide a notification in September 2000 and will be effective from January, 2003.
Noise standards for diesel genset were prescribed in Dec. 1998. Govt. has been pursuing with State Pollution Control Boards, generator manufacturing and major users, for implementation of these standards. Presently these standards are being revised (the MoEF is in the process of issuing notification) making it mandatory for all generator manufacturers to provide acoustic enclosure at the manufacturing stage itself. This will have a major impact on noise from DG sets.
Noise standards for fire-crackers were developed in October, 1999. Central Pollution Control Board had carried out a compliance testing of the fire crackers available in the market and also taken up with the Department of Explosives for compliance with these standards.
Noise standards for petrol and kerosene generator sets were notified in September, 2000, and will be effective from September, 2002. The sale of these gensets will be prohibited if not certified by the testing agencies, identified for the purpose.
The Noise Rules, 2000, regulates noise due to Public Address System/ Loud speakers and also prescribed procedures for noise complaint handling.
Central Pollution Control Board has taken up a study on aircraft noise monitoring in
Indira Gandhi International Airport, Delhi. This will be followed by development of
guidelines/ standards for aircraft noise.
What are the laws enforced by of the Pollution Control Boards ?
The Central and State Pollution Control Boards were set up for enforcement of the Water (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Act, 1974. Over the years, the Boards have been assigned additional responsibilities which include the following :
Water (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Cess Act, 1977.
Air (Prevention & Control of Pollution) Act, 1981
Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and Rules made thereunder
Hazardous Waste (Management & Handling) Rules1989.
Manufacture, storage and Import of Hazardous Chemicals Rules, 1989
Bio-medical Waste (Management & Handling) Rules, 1998
Municipal Solid Waste (Management & Handling) Rules, 2000.
Plastics wastes Rules, 1999 o Coastal Regulation Zone Rules, 1991
Public Liability Insurance Act, 1991
What are the specific functions of the Pollution Control Boards?
Functions of Central Pollution Control Board :
Advise the Central Government on matters relating to pollution;
Coordinate the activities of the State Boards;
Provide Technical assistance to the State Boards, carry out and sponsor investigations and research relating to control of pollution;
Plan and organize training of personnel;
Collect, compile and publish technical and statistical data, prepare manuals and code of conduct.
To lay down standards;
To plan nation wide programme for pollution control.
Functions of the State Pollution Control Boards:
To advise the State Government on matter relating to pollution and on siting of industries
To plan programme for pollution control;
To collect and disseminate information;
To carry our inspection;
To lay down effluent and emission standards;
To issue consent to industries and other activities for compliance of prescribed emission and effluent standards,
SOURCE:cpcb
New Year Message
By
Swami Sivananda
Time rolls on. New becomes old and old becomes new again. Today is the most auspicious New Year’s day. God has given you another chance this year to enable you to strive for your salvation. Today man is. Tomorrow he is not. Therefore avail yourself of this golden opportunity, struggle hard and reach the goal of life. Make the best use of every moment of this New Year. Unfold all latent faculties. Here is a chance to begin life anew, to grow and evolve and become a superhuman or a great dynamic Yogi.
On this glorious New Year’s day make a strong resolve to wipe away all the old worldly Vasanas or tendencies and bad impressions and to control the senses and the mind.
Know the value of time. Time is most precious. Utilise every second profitably. Live every moment of your life for the realisation of your ideal and goal. Do not procrastinate. That "tomorrow" will never come. Now or never. Abandon idle gossiping. Kill egoism, laziness and inertia. Forget the past. A glorious and brilliant future is awaiting you.
Equal vision is the touchstone of knowledge. Unselfishness is the touchstone of virtue. Brahmacharya is the touchstone of ethics. Oneness is the touchstone of Self-realisation. Humility is the touchstone of devotion. Therefore, be unselfish, humble and pure. Develop equal vision. Be in tune with the Infinite.
Satyam (truth) is the seed. Ahimsa is the root. Meditation is the shower. Santi (peace) is the flower. Moksha (salvation) is the fruit. Therefore, speak the truth, practise Ahimsa and meditation. Cultivate Santi. You will attain the final emancipation or freedom from the trammels of births and deaths, and enjoy Eternal bliss.
Be thou a spiritual warrior of Truth. Put on the armour of discrimination. Wear the shield of dispassion. Hold the flag of Dharma. Sing the song of Soham or Sivoham. March boldly with the band of Pranava—Om Om Om. Blow the conch of courage. Kill the enemies of doubt, ignorance, passion and egoism and enter the illimitable kingdom of blissful Brahman. Possess the imperishable wealth of Atma. Taste the divine immortal essence. Drink the nectar of Immortality.
May this bright New Year’s day and all the succeeding days of this year and all the future years also bring you all success, peace, prosperity and happiness. May you all tread the path of Truth and righteousness! May you enjoy the eternal bliss of the Absolute, leading a divine life, singing Lord’s name, sharing what you have with others, serving the poor and the sick with Atma Bhava and melting the mind in silent meditation in the Supreme Self.
PTI Wishing all Indians a happy New Year, Manmohan Singh said in a brief statement that it was time to take stock of the year gone by and make a new beginning. File Photo
Wishing all Indians a happy New Year, Dr. Singh said in a brief statement that it was time to take stock of the year gone by and make a new beginning. “Let us dispel the air of despondency and cynicism. We need to believe in the resilience of our democracy and its capacity to deal with infirmities and shortcomings through course correction.”
Renewed resolve
“On the eve of New Year,” he said, “I want to assure all our citizens that my government and I will work with renewed resolve for the welfare of our people. We will redouble our efforts to deal effectively and credibly with the challenges of inflation, cleansing our governing processes, national security and making our delivery system work for the ‘aam aadmi'.”
source:The Hindu
Friday, December 31, 2010
God's grace and Human Effort
Gurudeva Swami Chidanandaji Maharaj
You have entered into that path that puts an end forever to darkness and groping, uncertainty and vagueness. Flying as an arrow swiftly towards its target, you must make up your mind that through earnestness, sincerity and sustained exertion you will go straight to the supreme Goal. That is your duty.
Divine grace must be matched, must be responded to, must be augmented by human endeavour and effort. God’s grace and human effort bring about divine experience. A matchstick alone cannot produce fire; a matchbox alone cannot produce fire. Fire results when they work together; it is a bilateral process. One cannot sit idle thinking that Divine grace will do everything. Nor should one commit the blunder of saying: “By human effort alone I can achieve everything.”
Divine grace and human effort are supplementary and complementary to each other. They are twin factors that produce a certain ultimate experience. It is not contradicting Vedanta to say that they produce an experience. We know that the ultimate experience is never produced; it is always there. When a devotee realises God, he does not produce God, he does not make God. God is always there, God is always here, God is always everywhere, God is always within you. But yet what you are experiencing is something which is the direct contradiction, the denial of God. God is bliss, man goes about weeping. God is peace, man is restless.
So you prove for yourself that there is the possibility of the absence of the experience of God, even in the presence of God—even as you live, move and have your being in God. Therefore, whether the non-experience of the ever-present Reality, ever-present peace and joy, is factual or just imagination does not matter as long as you cannot get at it, as long as you are not experiencing it in this state of consciousness. Due to some reason or other the ever-present Reality is not realised. So there is something coming in the way. It is precisely to get rid of that which is coming in the way that self-effort is needed.
In a great feast and festival, a thousand people are enjoying themselves—music is going on, dance is going on, people are talking to each other, some are eating and drinking. One has fallen deep asleep. So far as that person is concerned, all these things are not going on. He may be dreaming that he is alone in a jungle. For him the jungle alone exists, not this festive place. That does not mean that the outer scene does not exist. It very much exists; it is existing all around him. But something is coming in the way—his sleep, his slumber. Someone has to shake him, wake him up. Therefore, the effort that is necessary is not to produce the festivity, but to get rid of something in this individual which is depriving him of this ever-present experience.
Sometimes the government comes to help some village. They offer fifty thousand rupees for some project, but the village has to match the fifty thousand rupees from its side. It is called a matching grant. In this way, one must realise: “I should not sit idle, I should not expect everything to be done by someone else.”
Therefore, purushartha (self effort) has been given a very great place in the context of India’s spiritual life. Early in his life, Gurudev sang a song: “Do real sadhana my dear children, do real sadhana”—purushartha.
Purushartha, sadhana and abhyasa are all one. They are the great need. In the Gita, Lord Krishna plainly states that that which is seemingly impossible is possible, and that state can be attained, by sustained abhyasa. Patanjali Maharshi in his Yoga Sutras also stresses the need for sustained abhyasa. If you have a dripping faucet, the drip, drip, drip will gradually wear a hole in the slab of stone underneath, even if it is granite. And in the low wall around a well, after many years, you can see a groove in the rock where the rope has been pulled to draw water. This is the power of a persistent process.
A poet has said that the great enemy of man is indifference, lethargy, laziness dwelling within his own body. And it is purushartha, regular, persistent effort, practice, that is the ultimate power, force, that overcomes this great enemy. Sadhana must become second nature. It should also be progressive. Just as the waxing moon starts as a small sliver and bit by bit becomes a full orb, so should be your sadhana, your abhyasa, your purushartha, until your life is filled with effulgence and you become “a light unto yourself and a lamp unto the feet of others.”
Therefore, purushartha, self-effort, should be understood as a complement and a supplement to God’s grace. And purushartha does not mean egoism; it is not egoistical effort—this has long been understood. We pray and thank God each day for all the grace, for all the opportunities and facilities, for all the benedictions and blessings He has showered upon us. Now we say: “Grant me the ability to humbly realise its value, to humbly utilise all these factors, this grace that You have showered, for my effort, for my purushartha.”
Purushartha is undertaken fully realising the magnitude of God’s compassionate grace, the magnitude of God’s love and blessedness and with a feeling of constant gratefulness. Thus, in a state of extreme humility one resolutely should undertake purushartha. Then purushartha will not give a false sense of kartritva abhimana (pride of doership). You will strive manfully, diligently, resolutely, determinedly, but with humility, with simplicity of heart, recognising that it is a gift of God. May God bless you all!
He who hates no creature, who is friendly and compassionate to all, who is free from attachment and egoism, balanced in pleasure and pain, and forgiving, .
Ever content, steady in meditation, possessed of firm conviction, self-controlled, with mind and intellect dedicated to Me, he, My devotee, is dear to Me.
He by whom the world is not agitated and who cannot be agitated by the world, and who is freed from joy, envy, fear and anxiety—he is dear to Me.
He who is free from wants, pure, expert, unconcerned, and untroubled, renouncing all undertakings or commencements—he who is (thus) devoted to Me, is dear to Me.
He who neither rejoices, nor hates, nor grieves, nor desires, renouncing good and evil, and who is full of devotion, is dear to Me.
He who is the same to foe and friend, and in honour and dishonour, who is the same in cold and heat and in pleasure and pain, who is free from attachment,
He to whom censure and praise are equal, who is silent, content with anything, homeless, of a steady mind, and full of devotion—that man is dear to Me.
They verily who follow this immortal Dharma (doctrine or law) as described above, endowed with faith, regarding Me as their supreme goal, they, the devotees, are exceedingly dear to Me.
HAPPY NEW YEAR 2011
INFINITY?! YOU ARE THAT!!!
HAPPY NEW YEAR 2011
FROM THE INFINITE STANDPOINT OUR SOLAR SYSTEM IS NOT EVEN A SPECK OR A DOT. WHERE DO ALL THE HUMANS WITH THEIR ARROGANCE AND BLOATED EGOS STAND?
THINK !!!
THE ENTIRE CREATION IS A PROJECTION ON THE ABSOLUTE TRUTH. THAT TRUTH IS NOT APART FROM YOU. SO IT IS A PROJECTION ON YOUR PURE SELF !!!
HAPPY NEW YEAR 2011
Top ten science breakthroughs of the year
Source: The Hindu
Andrew Cleland, Aaron O'Connell, John Martinis invented a mechanical device that operates in the quantum realm. Photo: George Foulsham
A mechanical device that operates in the quantum realm tops the Science journal's list of advances in 2010.
Until this year, all human-made objects have moved according to the laws of classical mechanics. Back in March, however, a group of researchers designed a gadget that moves in ways that can only be described by quantum mechanics — the set of rules that governs the behaviour of tiny things like molecules, atoms, and subatomic particles. In recognition of the conceptual ground their experiment breaks, the ingenuity behind it and its many potential applications, Science has called this discovery the most significant scientific advance of 2010.
Physicists Andrew Cleland and John Martinis from the University of California at Santa Barbara and their colleagues designed the machine—a tiny metal paddle of semiconductor, visible to the naked eye — and coaxed it into dancing with a quantum groove.
First, they cooled the paddle until it reached its “ground state,” or the lowest energy state permitted by the laws of quantum mechanics (a goal long-sought by physicists).
Then they raised the widget's energy by a single quantum to produce a purely quantum-mechanical state of motion. They even managed to put the gadget in both states at once, so that it literally vibrated a little and a lot at the same time — a bizarre phenomenon allowed by the weird rules of quantum mechanics.
Science has recognized this first quantum machine as the 2010 Breakthrough of the Year.
They have also compiled nine other important scientific accomplishments from this past year into a top ten list, appearing in a special news feature in the journal's 17 December 2010 issue. “This year's Breakthrough of the Year represents the first time that scientists have demonstrated quantum effects in the motion of a human-made object,” said Adrian Cho, a news writer for Science. “On a conceptual level that's cool because it extends quantum mechanics into a whole new realm. On a practical level, it opens up a variety of possibilities ranging from new experiments that meld quantum control over light, electrical currents and motion to, perhaps someday, tests of the bounds of quantum mechanics and our sense of reality.”
The quantum machine proves that the principles of quantum mechanics can apply to the motion of macroscopic objects, as well as atomic and subatomic particles. It provides the key first step toward gaining complete control over an object's vibrations at the quantum level. Such control over the motion of an engineered device should allow scientists to manipulate those minuscule movements, much as they now control electrical currents and particles of light. In turn, that capability may lead to new devices to control the quantum states of light, ultra-sensitive force detectors and, ultimately, investigations into the bounds of quantum mechanics and our sense of reality. (This last grand goal might be achieved by trying to put a macroscopic object in a state in which it's literally in two slightly different places at the same time — an experiment that might reveal precisely why something as big as a human can't be in two places at the same time.)
“Mind you, physicists still haven't achieved a two-places-at-once state with a tiny object like this one,” said Cho. “But now that they have reached the simplest state of quantum motion, it seems a whole lot more obtainable—more like a matter of ‘when' than ‘if.'”
The other nine
Science's list of the nine other groundbreaking achievements from 2010 follows.
Synthetic Biology: In a defining moment for biology and biotechnology, researchers built a synthetic genome and used it to transform the identity of a bacterium. The genome replaced the bacterium's DNA so that it produced a new set of proteins—an achievement that prompted a Congressional hearing on synthetic biology. In the future, researchers envision synthetic genomes that are custom-built to generate biofuels, pharmaceuticals or other useful chemicals.
Neandertal Genome: Researchers sequenced the Neandertal genome from the bones of three female Neandertals who lived in Croatia sometime between 38,000 and 44,000 years ago. New methods of sequencing degraded fragments of DNA allowed scientists to make the first direct comparisons between the modern human genome and that of our Neandertal ancestors.
HIV Prophylaxis: Two HIV prevention trials of different, novel strategies reported unequivocal success: A vaginal gel that contains the anti-HIV drug tenofovir reduced HIV infections in women by 39 percent and an oral pre-exposure prophylaxis led to 43.8 fewer HIV infections in a group of men and transgender women who have sex with men.
Exome Sequencing/Rare Disease Genes: By sequencing just the exons of a genome, or the tiny portion that actually codes for proteins, researchers who study rare inherited diseases caused by a single, flawed gene were able to identify specific mutations underlying at least a dozen diseases.
Molecular Dynamics Simulations: Simulating the gyrations that proteins make as they fold has been a combinatorial nightmare. Now, researchers have harnessed the power of one of the world's most powerful computers to track the motions of atoms in a small, folding protein for a length of time 100 times longer than any previous efforts.
Quantum Simulator: To describe what they see in the lab, physicists cook up theories based on equations. Those equations can be fiendishly hard to solve. This year, though, researchers found a short-cut by making quantum simulators—artificial crystals in which spots of laser light play the role of ions and atoms trapped in the light stand in for electrons. The devices provide quick answers to theoretical problems in condensed matter physics and they might eventually help solve mysteries such as superconductivity.
Next-Generation Genomics: Faster and cheaper sequencing technologies are enabling very large-scale studies of both ancient and modern DNA. The 1,000 Genomes Project, for example, has already identified much of the genome variation that makes us uniquely human—and other projects in the works are set to reveal much more of the genome's function.
RNA Reprogramming: Reprogramming cells—turning back their developmental clocks to make them behave like unspecialized "stem cells" in an embryo—has become a standard lab technique for studying diseases and development.
This year, researchers found a way to do it using synthetic RNA. Compared with previous methods, the new technique is twice as fast, 100 times as efficient and potentially safer for therapeutic use.
The Return of the Rat: Mice rule the world of laboratory animals, but for many purposes researchers would rather use rats. Rats are easier to work with and anatomically more similar to human beings; their big drawback is that methods used to make "knockout mice"— animals tailored for research by having specific genes precisely disabled—don't work for rats. A flurry of research this year, however, promises to bring "knockout rats" to labs in a big way.
Sikkim University to open more admission centers at Yangoon, Dhaka & Colombo
Dec 30, 7:17 PM
The Sikkim University plans to open three more admission centers at Yangoon, Dhaka and Colombo in addition to the existing ones in Kathmandu and Thimphu from the next academic session.
Talking to the newspersons in Gangtok, the Vice Chancellor Professor Mahendra P.Lama said, the University has now introduced a Choice Based Credit and Grading System with facility of credit transfer which may in future enable the students to do their courses in other Universities in India, and abroad as well, while remaining affiliated to the Sikkim University.
The Sikkim University, a Central University, was established in the year 2007 by an Act of the Parliament.
Dec 30, 7:17 PM
The Sikkim University plans to open three more admission centers at Yangoon, Dhaka and Colombo in addition to the existing ones in Kathmandu and Thimphu from the next academic session.
Talking to the newspersons in Gangtok, the Vice Chancellor Professor Mahendra P.Lama said, the University has now introduced a Choice Based Credit and Grading System with facility of credit transfer which may in future enable the students to do their courses in other Universities in India, and abroad as well, while remaining affiliated to the Sikkim University.
The Sikkim University, a Central University, was established in the year 2007 by an Act of the Parliament.
Thursday, December 30, 2010
50 Paise Coins to be Minimum Denomination
50 Paise Coins to be Minimum Denomination Coin Acceptable for Transaction from June 30, 2011
Government Calls in from Circulation Coins of Denomination of 25 Paise and below
The Central Government, Ministry of Finance has notified on December 20, 2010 to call in from circulation the coins of denomination of 25 paise and below, issued from time to time, with effect from June 30, 2011. From this date, these coins shall cease to be a legal tender for payment as well as on account. The procedure for call in shall be notified separately by the Reserve Bank of India.
Consequently, from June 30, 2011 onwards these coins will not be accepted in transactions. The minimum denomination coin acceptable for transaction will be 50 paise from that date. Also, in accounting, i.e. the entries in books of accounts, pricing of products/services/taxes shall also be rounded off to 50 paise or whole rupee from that date.
The notification was issued in exercise of the powers conferred by sub-section 15A of the Coinage Act, 1906 (3 of 1906).
BY
(Release ID :68787)
Government Calls in from Circulation Coins of Denomination of 25 Paise and below
The Central Government, Ministry of Finance has notified on December 20, 2010 to call in from circulation the coins of denomination of 25 paise and below, issued from time to time, with effect from June 30, 2011. From this date, these coins shall cease to be a legal tender for payment as well as on account. The procedure for call in shall be notified separately by the Reserve Bank of India.
Consequently, from June 30, 2011 onwards these coins will not be accepted in transactions. The minimum denomination coin acceptable for transaction will be 50 paise from that date. Also, in accounting, i.e. the entries in books of accounts, pricing of products/services/taxes shall also be rounded off to 50 paise or whole rupee from that date.
The notification was issued in exercise of the powers conferred by sub-section 15A of the Coinage Act, 1906 (3 of 1906).
BY
(Release ID :68787)
Pension Needs Attention
By Dipak Mondal | Dec 30, 2010
You buy insurance because you don't want your family to suffer financially in the unexpected event of your death. But what happens if you survive the term of the policy? This is where pension plans fit in. These are plans that provide you with an income stream in retirement if you have saved regularly during your earning years. There are many ways that one can save towards pension or retirement: through mutual funds, provident fund savings, insurance plans that offer retirement savings, and other investments that can help you build the necessary corpus. The idea is to have an accumulation phase until you retire. In the process the contributions towards building this kitty compound and create a big retirement corpus that takes care of life in retirement.
For long pension plans from insurers have found favour among investors for the various options they offer, including life and health covers that some plans offered. Moreover, as insurers offer annuity payouts, they find natural affinity. However, pension plans from insurers, especially unit-linked pension plans, have also been under the regulator's radar on account of complaints about mis-selling by insurance agents. To counter this problem the Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (Irda) has taken steps to check the costs of unit-linked pension plans. It has also forced insurers to launch products that guarantee 4.5 per cent return. The move has elicited mixed reactions. Most insurers have not found the proposition attractive, given the volatility of returns in the financial world.
The guaranteed returns force insurers to drastically reduce their equity exposure and increase the fixed-income exposure in the portfolios of their pension plans. This in turn will result in low returns from pension plans, making them less attractive for customers. Says GV Nageswara Rao, managing director and chief executive officer, IDBI Federal Life Insurance: “Guaranteed return is not practical. We are asking the regulator to at least let us offer both guaranteed and non-guaranteed options.” Perhaps it is for this reason that only the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) has launched a pension plan since September 1, 2010, when the new regime kicked in.
Single-premium trap
Though insurers are going easy on launching new regular-premium plans, some have introduced single premium plans. Says Sumeet Vaid, managing director, Freedom Financial Planners: “This is a stop-gap strategy by insurers who are trying to get Irda do away with guarantees.” These plans are suitable for those who have already retired or will retire soon. They are not attractive for young investors who are in the accumulation phase. HNIs too favour these plans. According to Mohit Batra, group chief executive officer, Alchemy Capital Management, “These products are created to attract HNIs. Pay the premium once and enjoy the benefit of insurance up to the age of 70.”
In these plans since the policyholder pays premium only once they do not give customers the opportunity to create a retirement corpus through regular saving. Besides, the final corpus they end up with may be inadequate, since it is limited to that one investment made (compounded over the years).
Besides, insurance company executives complain that there are no long-term debt instruments in India. Actuaries argue that it would be difficult to match the assets and liabilities in a long-term guarantee plan. They feel that just a capital guarantee scheme would have been a better option: in that case insurance companies could have invested at least 50-60 per cent in equity under this class of plans.
Bleak future
The fate of holders of existing pension plans from insurers is undecided as they continue to be under the old regime. However, anyone looking for a new plan should do so at his own peril. The new plans approved by Irda are under a cloud, especially as the direct tax code (DTC) is yet to approve tax deductions for insurers' pension plans. Defer your purchase of a pension plan from insurance companies until clarity on this count emerges.
The pension roulette
With the direct tax code (DTC) coming into effect from April 1, 2012, there is confusion regarding tax benefits on unit-linked pension plans from insurers. As these plans do not find mention in the approved list of savings instruments eligible for income-tax deductions, it is unclear how these plans will get treated. On their part, insurers are hopeful that unit-linked pension plans will be eligible for income-tax deduction. However, with no clarification from the Finance Ministry or the Central Board of Direct Taxes so far, the issue remains unresolved.
However, the New Pension Scheme (NPS) floated by the Pension Fund and Regulatory Authority (PFRDA) will get the necessary push once DTC comes into play. Under DTC contributions to government-approved provident fund schemes, including EPF, PPF and NPS will qualify for tax deductions. This is likely to be a booster for the NPS as it falls under the exempt-exempt-exempt (EEE) category. As this is the only equity-linked product with a tax benefit, coupled with the EEE benefit, it certainly appears much more appealing now.
With a maximum 50 per cent equity exposure, the NPS is a realistic option for subscribers, especially given the low cost that it comes with. The annual maintenance cost of the scheme is Rs 350. Each transaction will cost Rs10 and the investment management fee is 0.009 per cent per annum. That low management fee does not guarantee a higher return is something that one needs to be aware of.
To add another twist to the plot, Irda has now proposed pension plans with two options in addition to the 4.5 per cent guaranteed plans. In the first option, policyholders will get a capital guarantee and a minimum 5 per cent return on the accumulated sum at maturity. In addition, the policyholder will also get a large portion of the actuarial surplus. For example, if a person invests Rs 10,000 a year for 10 years, he will get Rs 1.5 lakh at the end of the term, including Rs 50,000, the return on the accumulated fund. If this Rs 1 lakh grows to Rs 2 lakh in 10 years because of good fund performance, the insurer will have to share Rs 90,000 of the actuarial surplus with the policyholder. The actuarial surplus is the amount by which the value of a company's pension fund exceeds the amount it must pay out in benefits.
The second option will be similar to NPS, where 60 per cent allocation could go into equity and the remaining into fixed-income instruments rated at least AA. Moreover, in the last two to three years of the term, the entire fund would be moved to debt. However, this option may not be as attractive, as the fund management charges would be higher than the 0.009 per cent levied by the six NPS managers at present.
This move comes in the wake of the decline witnessed in new pension plan offerings since September 1, 2010 when the current plan that guarantees 4.5 per cent return a year in addition to the capital guarantee came into effect. This allows insurers to play safe and invest mainly in debt. In the first option, insurers will have the flexibility to invest half their funds in equities, which typically provide a higher return than government securities. However, it is yet to be seen if this variant will qualify for tax deductions under DTC.
By Dipak Mondal | Dec 30, 2010
You buy insurance because you don't want your family to suffer financially in the unexpected event of your death. But what happens if you survive the term of the policy? This is where pension plans fit in. These are plans that provide you with an income stream in retirement if you have saved regularly during your earning years. There are many ways that one can save towards pension or retirement: through mutual funds, provident fund savings, insurance plans that offer retirement savings, and other investments that can help you build the necessary corpus. The idea is to have an accumulation phase until you retire. In the process the contributions towards building this kitty compound and create a big retirement corpus that takes care of life in retirement.
For long pension plans from insurers have found favour among investors for the various options they offer, including life and health covers that some plans offered. Moreover, as insurers offer annuity payouts, they find natural affinity. However, pension plans from insurers, especially unit-linked pension plans, have also been under the regulator's radar on account of complaints about mis-selling by insurance agents. To counter this problem the Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (Irda) has taken steps to check the costs of unit-linked pension plans. It has also forced insurers to launch products that guarantee 4.5 per cent return. The move has elicited mixed reactions. Most insurers have not found the proposition attractive, given the volatility of returns in the financial world.
The guaranteed returns force insurers to drastically reduce their equity exposure and increase the fixed-income exposure in the portfolios of their pension plans. This in turn will result in low returns from pension plans, making them less attractive for customers. Says GV Nageswara Rao, managing director and chief executive officer, IDBI Federal Life Insurance: “Guaranteed return is not practical. We are asking the regulator to at least let us offer both guaranteed and non-guaranteed options.” Perhaps it is for this reason that only the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) has launched a pension plan since September 1, 2010, when the new regime kicked in.
Single-premium trap
Though insurers are going easy on launching new regular-premium plans, some have introduced single premium plans. Says Sumeet Vaid, managing director, Freedom Financial Planners: “This is a stop-gap strategy by insurers who are trying to get Irda do away with guarantees.” These plans are suitable for those who have already retired or will retire soon. They are not attractive for young investors who are in the accumulation phase. HNIs too favour these plans. According to Mohit Batra, group chief executive officer, Alchemy Capital Management, “These products are created to attract HNIs. Pay the premium once and enjoy the benefit of insurance up to the age of 70.”
In these plans since the policyholder pays premium only once they do not give customers the opportunity to create a retirement corpus through regular saving. Besides, the final corpus they end up with may be inadequate, since it is limited to that one investment made (compounded over the years).
Besides, insurance company executives complain that there are no long-term debt instruments in India. Actuaries argue that it would be difficult to match the assets and liabilities in a long-term guarantee plan. They feel that just a capital guarantee scheme would have been a better option: in that case insurance companies could have invested at least 50-60 per cent in equity under this class of plans.
Bleak future
The fate of holders of existing pension plans from insurers is undecided as they continue to be under the old regime. However, anyone looking for a new plan should do so at his own peril. The new plans approved by Irda are under a cloud, especially as the direct tax code (DTC) is yet to approve tax deductions for insurers' pension plans. Defer your purchase of a pension plan from insurance companies until clarity on this count emerges.
The pension roulette
With the direct tax code (DTC) coming into effect from April 1, 2012, there is confusion regarding tax benefits on unit-linked pension plans from insurers. As these plans do not find mention in the approved list of savings instruments eligible for income-tax deductions, it is unclear how these plans will get treated. On their part, insurers are hopeful that unit-linked pension plans will be eligible for income-tax deduction. However, with no clarification from the Finance Ministry or the Central Board of Direct Taxes so far, the issue remains unresolved.
However, the New Pension Scheme (NPS) floated by the Pension Fund and Regulatory Authority (PFRDA) will get the necessary push once DTC comes into play. Under DTC contributions to government-approved provident fund schemes, including EPF, PPF and NPS will qualify for tax deductions. This is likely to be a booster for the NPS as it falls under the exempt-exempt-exempt (EEE) category. As this is the only equity-linked product with a tax benefit, coupled with the EEE benefit, it certainly appears much more appealing now.
With a maximum 50 per cent equity exposure, the NPS is a realistic option for subscribers, especially given the low cost that it comes with. The annual maintenance cost of the scheme is Rs 350. Each transaction will cost Rs10 and the investment management fee is 0.009 per cent per annum. That low management fee does not guarantee a higher return is something that one needs to be aware of.
To add another twist to the plot, Irda has now proposed pension plans with two options in addition to the 4.5 per cent guaranteed plans. In the first option, policyholders will get a capital guarantee and a minimum 5 per cent return on the accumulated sum at maturity. In addition, the policyholder will also get a large portion of the actuarial surplus. For example, if a person invests Rs 10,000 a year for 10 years, he will get Rs 1.5 lakh at the end of the term, including Rs 50,000, the return on the accumulated fund. If this Rs 1 lakh grows to Rs 2 lakh in 10 years because of good fund performance, the insurer will have to share Rs 90,000 of the actuarial surplus with the policyholder. The actuarial surplus is the amount by which the value of a company's pension fund exceeds the amount it must pay out in benefits.
The second option will be similar to NPS, where 60 per cent allocation could go into equity and the remaining into fixed-income instruments rated at least AA. Moreover, in the last two to three years of the term, the entire fund would be moved to debt. However, this option may not be as attractive, as the fund management charges would be higher than the 0.009 per cent levied by the six NPS managers at present.
This move comes in the wake of the decline witnessed in new pension plan offerings since September 1, 2010 when the current plan that guarantees 4.5 per cent return a year in addition to the capital guarantee came into effect. This allows insurers to play safe and invest mainly in debt. In the first option, insurers will have the flexibility to invest half their funds in equities, which typically provide a higher return than government securities. However, it is yet to be seen if this variant will qualify for tax deductions under DTC.
India-China ties after Wen’s visit
The missing ‘stabilising effect’
by Balbir K. Punj
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit was described by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as indicating a transformation in Sino-Indian relations before the event. After the event, all that South Block let it be known was that it had a “stabilising effect” on the relationship.
Wen has lost no time in disabusing Delhi of any such optimism. From here he flew down to Islamabad. And the balance-sheet of the two visits speak for itself about what the communist Chinese think of our Prime Minister’s soft power. Wen announced in Pakistan deals worth $25 billion. In India, he had concluded commercial pacts worth only $16 billion. And that, too, did not narrow the huge gap in favour of China in Sino-Indian trade — the Wen deal only widens that gap. So, South Block has yet to explain in what way its promised pressure on Wen to narrow the trade gap in favour of India has worked.
Not only did Wen not give any assurance or even distant hope of a Chinese aboutturn on India’s attempt for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, in Islamabad he made it clear that he was firmly behind his Pakistan ally on most international political questions. And no one needs to be told what Pakistan thinks of the Indian plea for this seat. Our officialdom has sought to find some solace in his private dialogue with Dr Manmohan Singh. The distinguished visitor, the “sources” assure us has said that China would not be an obstacle in the Indian quest for this seat, but how convincing such a promise from Wen is when that indication was not there in any of the Chinese Premier’s public statements? Read in the context of what he later said in Islamabad in complete backing of Pakistan, the green shoot New Delhi thought there has simply been shown as an illusion, if not a delusion of his host, Dr Manmohan Singh.
The Chinese visitor did not give any assurance either on the stapled visa issue or on Pakistan’s sponsorship of terror against India. If New Delhi was looking for some bright spots in the long dialogue between the two Prime Ministers here, Wen made it clear in Islamabad what his stand is. He praised Pakistan for its attempt to tackle Al-Qaeda terror but said nothing on Pakistan’s own sponsorship of Jihadis across the border into India. During the Indian visit, the Chinese Premier did not say a word about the 26/11 attack or on Pakistan’s contretemps on prosecuting the perpetrators of that attack. Instead, during his Pakistan visit, Wen was saying that terrorism was not to be linked to any country or religion. “Let us not have any dual standards in this regard”, Wen told the Pakistan Parliament-that was perhaps a line from our own Digvijay Singh’s mouth because as against New Delhi’s official stand of Pakistan-based terrorism, abetted by the government there, the Congress party itself now speaks of “majority terrorism” in India, thereby giving solace to Pakistan. Wen could point to this and talk back at New Delhi.
The Chinese Premier said that Pakistan and his country were “all-weather strategic partners”. That means “the Chinese government and people will stand by you to face all challenges together”. That leaves no scope for China to annoy Pakistan by making any concession in its disputes with India. Hence no Chinese commitments on issues concerning India. The Wen visit to India has gone all the way the Chinese wanted.
New Delhi is sulking and seeking to cover up its failures by finding some hope in the small mercies that Wen Jiabao showed. As small as the visiting Prime Minister agreeing to raise the level of economic dialogue and have the Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia to chair the economic strategic dialogue between the two countries, is considered as “a big plus”. In the absence of anything else from the visit, the UPA government is clutching on the straws.
After what the Chinese Premier said in Pakistan there should be no doubt left anywhere that Beijing will use Islamabad to counter and harass India. There is no change in that strategy that communist China adopted long ago taking a lesson from the Nehruvian lollypop treatment towards emerging China. We wrote off Tibet without a protest and let the Chinese occupy it. And then closed our eyes when they went about building roads and occupying chunks of our territory in Aksai Chin and elsewhere. Remember Nehru’s blue-eyed boy Krishna Menon describing that territory in the 1960s as one “where not a blade of grass grew”.
If Dr Manmohan Singh had any illusion that the Chinese are now coming round — “sources” claimed they are citing China’s acceptance of Sikkim as an Indian territory — Beijing had disabused them of it. Just before Wen set foot on India, Beijing had said that the Sino-Indian border was only 2,000-km long. The official position of New Delhi is that it is 3,600 km even without including Pakistan-occupied Kashmir’s border with China. That means China has already claimed as its some 1600 km of the border area. So, it is as usual heads-I-win, tails-you-keep” syndrome. Parts of Kashmir’s border with China is not considered a Sino-Indian border by Beijing. This is a new element in the dispute between the two countries. And this is linked to China’s refusal to consider J&K as an integral part of India.
For all the red carpet that Dr Manmohan Singh rolled out for his Chinese counterpart, there was total opposition from premier Wen regarding the Kashmir question. The issue of stapled visas for anyone going from J&K to China was supposed to have been discussed by the two Prime Ministers. Apparently, the issue was discussed among the two Prime Ministers. But the Chinese leader stood his ground and would not even acknowledge the existence of the legal position. Obviously, all this partly linked to the position China has taken that it considers J&K as a disputed territory. That provides advantage to its friend Pakistan.
New Delhi claims a weak defence of its position by revealing that in the joint communique it has also not allowed any reference to “one China” policy as a retaliation. But that hardly matters for Beijing that has consolidated its position in Tibet with new roads and rail link to Lhasa and from there to the border and total suppression of Tibetans. Further, China has encouraged Chinese to occupy chunks of Tibet and change its demographic environment. Tibetans are now a minority in their homeland. History records how the Nehru government disregarded its own ambassador’s advice not to sign off Tibet.
In recent months India has, through its short-sighted policy of playing second fiddle to America, agreed to resume talks with Pakistan despite Islamabad making no concessions on any issue. Therefore, the Obama visit, despite much trumpet-blowing, brought no concrete results. Now the Wen visit has followed suit. Only New Delhi goes on claiming “stabilising effect” without specifying where that “stabilising effect” of the visit is being felt.
The missing ‘stabilising effect’
by Balbir K. Punj
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s visit was described by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as indicating a transformation in Sino-Indian relations before the event. After the event, all that South Block let it be known was that it had a “stabilising effect” on the relationship.
Wen has lost no time in disabusing Delhi of any such optimism. From here he flew down to Islamabad. And the balance-sheet of the two visits speak for itself about what the communist Chinese think of our Prime Minister’s soft power. Wen announced in Pakistan deals worth $25 billion. In India, he had concluded commercial pacts worth only $16 billion. And that, too, did not narrow the huge gap in favour of China in Sino-Indian trade — the Wen deal only widens that gap. So, South Block has yet to explain in what way its promised pressure on Wen to narrow the trade gap in favour of India has worked.
Not only did Wen not give any assurance or even distant hope of a Chinese aboutturn on India’s attempt for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, in Islamabad he made it clear that he was firmly behind his Pakistan ally on most international political questions. And no one needs to be told what Pakistan thinks of the Indian plea for this seat. Our officialdom has sought to find some solace in his private dialogue with Dr Manmohan Singh. The distinguished visitor, the “sources” assure us has said that China would not be an obstacle in the Indian quest for this seat, but how convincing such a promise from Wen is when that indication was not there in any of the Chinese Premier’s public statements? Read in the context of what he later said in Islamabad in complete backing of Pakistan, the green shoot New Delhi thought there has simply been shown as an illusion, if not a delusion of his host, Dr Manmohan Singh.
The Chinese visitor did not give any assurance either on the stapled visa issue or on Pakistan’s sponsorship of terror against India. If New Delhi was looking for some bright spots in the long dialogue between the two Prime Ministers here, Wen made it clear in Islamabad what his stand is. He praised Pakistan for its attempt to tackle Al-Qaeda terror but said nothing on Pakistan’s own sponsorship of Jihadis across the border into India. During the Indian visit, the Chinese Premier did not say a word about the 26/11 attack or on Pakistan’s contretemps on prosecuting the perpetrators of that attack. Instead, during his Pakistan visit, Wen was saying that terrorism was not to be linked to any country or religion. “Let us not have any dual standards in this regard”, Wen told the Pakistan Parliament-that was perhaps a line from our own Digvijay Singh’s mouth because as against New Delhi’s official stand of Pakistan-based terrorism, abetted by the government there, the Congress party itself now speaks of “majority terrorism” in India, thereby giving solace to Pakistan. Wen could point to this and talk back at New Delhi.
The Chinese Premier said that Pakistan and his country were “all-weather strategic partners”. That means “the Chinese government and people will stand by you to face all challenges together”. That leaves no scope for China to annoy Pakistan by making any concession in its disputes with India. Hence no Chinese commitments on issues concerning India. The Wen visit to India has gone all the way the Chinese wanted.
New Delhi is sulking and seeking to cover up its failures by finding some hope in the small mercies that Wen Jiabao showed. As small as the visiting Prime Minister agreeing to raise the level of economic dialogue and have the Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia to chair the economic strategic dialogue between the two countries, is considered as “a big plus”. In the absence of anything else from the visit, the UPA government is clutching on the straws.
After what the Chinese Premier said in Pakistan there should be no doubt left anywhere that Beijing will use Islamabad to counter and harass India. There is no change in that strategy that communist China adopted long ago taking a lesson from the Nehruvian lollypop treatment towards emerging China. We wrote off Tibet without a protest and let the Chinese occupy it. And then closed our eyes when they went about building roads and occupying chunks of our territory in Aksai Chin and elsewhere. Remember Nehru’s blue-eyed boy Krishna Menon describing that territory in the 1960s as one “where not a blade of grass grew”.
If Dr Manmohan Singh had any illusion that the Chinese are now coming round — “sources” claimed they are citing China’s acceptance of Sikkim as an Indian territory — Beijing had disabused them of it. Just before Wen set foot on India, Beijing had said that the Sino-Indian border was only 2,000-km long. The official position of New Delhi is that it is 3,600 km even without including Pakistan-occupied Kashmir’s border with China. That means China has already claimed as its some 1600 km of the border area. So, it is as usual heads-I-win, tails-you-keep” syndrome. Parts of Kashmir’s border with China is not considered a Sino-Indian border by Beijing. This is a new element in the dispute between the two countries. And this is linked to China’s refusal to consider J&K as an integral part of India.
For all the red carpet that Dr Manmohan Singh rolled out for his Chinese counterpart, there was total opposition from premier Wen regarding the Kashmir question. The issue of stapled visas for anyone going from J&K to China was supposed to have been discussed by the two Prime Ministers. Apparently, the issue was discussed among the two Prime Ministers. But the Chinese leader stood his ground and would not even acknowledge the existence of the legal position. Obviously, all this partly linked to the position China has taken that it considers J&K as a disputed territory. That provides advantage to its friend Pakistan.
New Delhi claims a weak defence of its position by revealing that in the joint communique it has also not allowed any reference to “one China” policy as a retaliation. But that hardly matters for Beijing that has consolidated its position in Tibet with new roads and rail link to Lhasa and from there to the border and total suppression of Tibetans. Further, China has encouraged Chinese to occupy chunks of Tibet and change its demographic environment. Tibetans are now a minority in their homeland. History records how the Nehru government disregarded its own ambassador’s advice not to sign off Tibet.
In recent months India has, through its short-sighted policy of playing second fiddle to America, agreed to resume talks with Pakistan despite Islamabad making no concessions on any issue. Therefore, the Obama visit, despite much trumpet-blowing, brought no concrete results. Now the Wen visit has followed suit. Only New Delhi goes on claiming “stabilising effect” without specifying where that “stabilising effect” of the visit is being felt.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
And, none from India. Surprised, not really. See, we in India practice the fine art of "copy cat" and "me too" research. After drowning tons of public money we have nothing to show for. What a sad story. I just cannot believe that we Indians, who do much better (socially, scientifically) in foreign countries, but not here in India. I always thought if the government fails to take advantage of the fact that "people are gifted", it will not prosper. We are left only with the gifted and corrupted individuals like Raja (2G fame), Puri (Citibank fraud) etc. What a tragedy!
Eight of the ten are in the field of genetics/biotechnology/molecular biology. Wow!
It is very useful for students and upsc fighter.
For India to find a place in the list, I think the following have to happen: 1) Indian students must develop their own creativity and we need to develop the habit of independent thinking. 2) We as a society, must allow and agree for our children to pursue research as a profession. 3) All the media must promote the news articles related to science & technology to a maximum extent possible. Just an example: compare the media coverage between Filmfare awards and Shanthi Swarup Bhatnagar awards. 4) We must develop the institutional support right from Parliament to Universities and research labs. A great opportunity for Public/Private Partnership. US and western world thrives only due to the strong academic industry coordination, which is backed by strong government support. If these things are taken care, I am confident that we will see our names in the list in near future.
As mentioned by someone earlier,8/10 for biotechnology/microbiology and a couple for quantum physics.Prof. Venkataraman Ramakrishnan was right when he said that Physics was sort of saturated.I think it is the Chemistry-Biology combination that will rule the roost although the brainiest would probably head for quantum physics. No offence meant anywhere! As for the whole 'India' comments mentioned earlier, always,ALWAYS keep the nation/nationality out of Science/Sport and Art.Appreciate them for what they are,not for the practitioners nationality.Follow country/caste/gender/religion for the pettier stuff in life - politics.
India is Corrupt.Success in research doesn't depend on Buildings but on Individuals giving the Best.Also we lack team work.Superiors don't teach their subordinates.They only try to take the credit of what a subordinate did . In advanced countries individuals are encouraged and the credit for good work is given to them.So Indians in the west are doing well,as compared to in their own country.